odlivak aluminijski ofarbano u mesig 25 cm visine

diplomski rad masinca na masini cnc plazma sekac...35x25 cm

STARA DRVENA MASKA,DIMENZIJA 38 CM,STANJE KAO NA SLICI

ITALIJA 1988,DUZINA 25 CM,VISINA 15 CM,STANJE KAO NA SLICI

buzdovan, topuz 5,6 x 1,3 cm bronza samo srbija ovaj predmet ne saljem u inostranstvo serbia only I do not send this item abroad Prošle izložbe (Muzej Africke umetnosti) 16. februar 2011. - 20. avgust 2011. AUTOR IZLOŽBE I KATALOGA Marija Ličina, kustos MAU Na izložbi je prikazano više od 500 tegova za merenje zlatnog praha iz zbirke Muzeja afričke umetnosti, preko 200 tegova iz zbirke Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja u Ljubljani, primeri iz privatnih kolekcija. Pored tegova, izložba uključuje i prateće predmete kao što su vage, kutije i kašike za zlatni prah. Tegovi naroda Akan jedinstveni su u svetu po svojim oblicima - predstavljaju ljude (ratnike, vračeve, lovce...), životinje (ptice,krokodili, antilope...), biljke (kikiriki, cvetove palmi, patlidžane...), predmete (bubnjeve, sandale, topove...), i brojne druge figurativne i geometrijske motive. Koliko privlače svojim oblicima, kao umetničke forme u bronzi, dimenzija od tek nekoliko santimentara, akanski tegovi jednako su značajni kao svedočanstva o prirodnom bogatstvu zlata u Zapadnoj Africi. Njima je meren zlatni prah, koji je imao ulogu novca u Gani i Obali Slonovače kod naroda Akan od 15. sve do kraja 19. veka, u svakodnevnim aktivnostima - na tržnicama, u kraljevskim trezorima zlata i za naplate državnih taksi i poreza. Izložba „Tegovi za merenje zlatnog praha naroda Akan“, autorke Marije Ličine, predstavila je značaj koji su u globalnoj istoriji imali bogata nalazišta zlata, trgovinski i kulturni kontakti na prostoru Zapadne Afrike. Kroz izložbu, posetioci uče o prometu zlata od afričke obale Mediterana do Gvinejskog zaliva (u periodu od 10. do 19. veka), pustinjskim karavanima i evropskim flotama u pohodu ka akanskim zlatonosnim poljima, o običajima cenkanja do „poslednjeg zrna zlata“, boji plamena za tegove-skulpture u bronzi i drugim temama vezanim za istoriju i kulturu naroda Akan. Izuzetnost zbirke tegova Muzeja afričke umetnosti u Beogradu, sa više od 500 originalnih predmeta, kao i zbirka Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja sa više od 200 tegova koji su po prvi put biti predstavljeni javnosti, poslužili su kao polazište za obradu nekoliko temata: AFRIČKO ZLATO U STAROM SVETU transsaharska trgovina zlatom, od 10. do 16. veka ZLATNI PRAH KAO NOVAC I JEDINICE TEŽINE: proizvodnja i promet zlata u „zlatnim kraljevstvima“ Gane, od 15. do 19. veka; kulturni kontakti i razmena između afričkih, arapskih i evropskih civilizacija AMBLEMI TRADICIJE I DRUŠTVENIH VREDNOSTI motivi tegova kao ilustracije poslovica i izreka POUKE NA TEGOVIMA ZA MERENJE ZLATNOG PRAHA Kao i oblici, i značenja koja su tegovi-skulpture imali različita su: mnogi asociraju mudre pouke iz poslovica i narodnih priča, čuvaju sećanja na bitke, mitove i legende, ili predstavljaju određene simbole. Navodimo neke od akanskih poslovica: Lud je onaj ko puši i nosi bačvu sa barutom na glavi! Između ključa i brave, jedan je stariji - mora postojati vođa, čak i među jednakima. Ne treba ti veliki štap da slomiješ petlu vrat - kaže se za moćnog čoveka koji nepotrebno zlostavlja siromašnog i nezaštićenog. Snaga palmovog drveta je u njegovim granama - kraljeva moć leži u broju njegovih podanika. ---- ovaj teg nije bio na izlozbi u MAU ----- ---------------------------------------- Akan goldweights, (locally known as mrammou), are weights made of brass used as a measuring system by the Akan people of West Africa, particularly for wei and fair-trade arrangements with one another. The status of a man increased significantly if he owned a complete set of weights. Complete small sets of weights were gifts to newly wedded men. This insured that he would be able to enter the merchant trade respectably and successfully. Beyond their practical application, the weights are miniature representations of West African culture items such as adinkra symbols, plants, animals and people. Stylistic studies of goldweights can provide relative dates into the two broad early and late periods. The Early period is thought to have been from about 1400–1720 AD, with some overlap with the Late period, 1700-1900 AD. There is a distinct difference between the Early and Late periods. Geometric weights are the oldest forms, dating from 1400 AD onwards while figurative weights, those made in the image of people, animals, building etc., first appear around 1600 AD. Radiocarbon dating, a standard and accurate method in many disciplines, cannot be used to date the weights, as it is an inorganic material. The base components of inorganic materials, such as metals, formed long before the manufacturing of the artifact.The copper and zinc used to make the alloy are exponentially older than the artifact itself. Studies on the quality or origins of the base metals in brass are not very useful due to the broad distribution and recycling of the material. Studying the weight`s cultural background or provenance is an accurate method of dating the weights. Historical records accompanying the weight describing the people to whom it belonged to, as well as a comparative study of the weights and oral and artistic traditions of neighbouring communities should be part of studying the background and provenance of the weights. Scholars use the weights, and the oral traditions behind the weights, to understand aspects of Akan culture that otherwise may have been lost. The weights represent stories, riddles, and code of conducts that helped guide Akan peoples in the ways they live their lives. Central to Akan culture is the concern for equality and justice; it is rich in oral histories on this subject. Many weights symbolize significant and well-known stories. The weights were part of the Akan`s cultural reinforcement, expressing personal behaviour codes, beliefs, and values in a medium that was assembled by many people. Anthony Appiah describes[2] how his mother, who collected goldweights, was visited by Muslim Hausa traders from the north. The goldweights they brought were `sold by people who had no use for them any more, now that paper and coin had replaced gold-dust as currency. And as she collected them, she heard more and more of the folklore that went with them; the proverbs that every figurative gold-weight elicited; the folk-tales, Ananseasem, that the proverbs evoked.` Appiah also heard these Ananseasem, Anansi stories, from his father, and writes: `Between his stories and the cultural messages that came with the gold-weights, we gathered the sort of sense of a cultural tradition that comes from growing up in it. For us it was not Asante tradition but the webwork of our lives.` There are a number of parallels between Akan goldweights and the seals used in Harappa. Both artifacts stabilized and secured regional and local trade between peoples, while they took on further meaning beyond their practical uses. Shields are symbols of bravery, stamina, or a glorious deed, though not necessarily in battle. Double-edged swords symbolize a joint rule between female and male, rather than implying violence or rule with fear. The naming of the weights is incredibly complex, as a complete list of Akan weights had more than sixty values, and each set had a local name that varied regionally. There are, from studies done by Garrard, twelve weight-name lists from Ghana and the Ivory Coast. Some estimate that there are 3 million goldweights in existence. Simon Fraser University has a small collection, consisting mostly of geometric style weights, with a number of human figurative weights. Both types are pictured here and come from the SFU Museum of Archaeology and Ethnography. Many of the largest museums of in the US and Europe have sizable collections of goldweights. The National Museum of Ghana, the Musée des Civilisations de Côte d`Ivoire in Abidjan, Derby Museum and smaller museums in Mali all have collections of weights with a range of dates. Private collections have amassed a wide range of weights as well. In the past, each weight was meticulously carved, then cast using the ancient technique of lost wax. As the Akan culture moved away from using gold as the basis of their economy, the weights lost their cultural day-to-day use and some of their significance. Their popularity with tourists has created a market that the locals fill with mass-produced weights. These modern reproductions of the weights have become a tourist favorite. Rather than the simple but artistic facial features of the anthropomorphic weights or the clean, smooth lines of the geomorphic weights, modern weights are unrefined and mass-produced look. The strong oral tradition of the Akan is not included in the creation of the weights; however, this does not seem to lessen their popularity. The skill involved in casting weights was enormous; as most weights were less than 2½ ounces and their exact mass was meticulously measured. They were a standard of measure to be used in trade, and had to be accurate. The goldsmith, or adwumfo, would make adjustments if the casting weighed too much or too little. Even the most beautiful, figurative weights had limbs and horns removed, or edges filed down until it met the closest weight equivalent. Weights that were not heavy enough would have small lead rings or glass beads attached to bring up the weight to the desired standard. There are far more weights without modifications than not, speaking to the talent of the goldsmiths. Most weights were within 3% of their theoretical value; this variance is similar to those of European nest weights from the same time. Early weights display bold, but simple, artistic designs. Later weights developed into beautiful works of art with fine details. However, by the 1890s (Late Period) the quality of both design and material was very poor, and the abandonment of the weights quickly followed. Tim Garrard (April 28, 1943 – May 17, 2007) studied the Akan gold culture. His research was centered on goldweights and their cultural significances and purposes. He was also interested in the gold trade, the creation of the weight measurements, and how Akan trade networks operated with other networks. His works and those that use his work as a base are very informative about broader Akan culture. The weights pictured here are part of the collection at the SFU museum. Donated to the museum in the late 1970s, they are part of a wide collection of African cultural pieces.

Raskošni gornji deo kostima za maskenbal, filmsku industriju ili pozorište. Materijal je pun, bogatog izgleda, u osnovi svetlucave bordo boje, a napred je izvezen debelim zlatnim koncem i perlicama od štrasa. Pri dnu leđa je upertlan i vezuje se radi zatezanja struka. Kroj je zanimljiv, nesvakidašanj i elegantan, sa jednom bretelom, a dole ukoso sečen. Dužina 42/47cm širina u grudima 47cm struk podesiv

RUCNI RAD,CVRSTA STAVLJENA KOZA,ZA PROSECNU LJUDSKU GLAVU

rad u drvetu....oko 35 cm

Rucni rad od lima ima i masineriju koja je prenvijena..verovatno muzicka,a moguce jei za pokretanje tockova...medjutim ne mogu ustanoviti

Rucni rad od lima

1,4 x 1,2 x 0,3 cm bronza samo srbija ovaj predmet ne saljem u inostranstvo serbia only I do not send this item abroad Prošle izložbe (Muzej Africke umetnosti) 16. februar 2011. - 20. avgust 2011. AUTOR IZLOŽBE I KATALOGA Marija Ličina, kustos MAU Na izložbi je prikazano više od 500 tegova za merenje zlatnog praha iz zbirke Muzeja afričke umetnosti, preko 200 tegova iz zbirke Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja u Ljubljani, primeri iz privatnih kolekcija. Pored tegova, izložba uključuje i prateće predmete kao što su vage, kutije i kašike za zlatni prah. Tegovi naroda Akan jedinstveni su u svetu po svojim oblicima - predstavljaju ljude (ratnike, vračeve, lovce...), životinje (ptice,krokodili, antilope...), biljke (kikiriki, cvetove palmi, patlidžane...), predmete (bubnjeve, sandale, topove...), i brojne druge figurativne i geometrijske motive. Koliko privlače svojim oblicima, kao umetničke forme u bronzi, dimenzija od tek nekoliko santimentara, akanski tegovi jednako su značajni kao svedočanstva o prirodnom bogatstvu zlata u Zapadnoj Africi. Njima je meren zlatni prah, koji je imao ulogu novca u Gani i Obali Slonovače kod naroda Akan od 15. sve do kraja 19. veka, u svakodnevnim aktivnostima - na tržnicama, u kraljevskim trezorima zlata i za naplate državnih taksi i poreza. Izložba „Tegovi za merenje zlatnog praha naroda Akan“, autorke Marije Ličine, predstavila je značaj koji su u globalnoj istoriji imali bogata nalazišta zlata, trgovinski i kulturni kontakti na prostoru Zapadne Afrike. Kroz izložbu, posetioci uče o prometu zlata od afričke obale Mediterana do Gvinejskog zaliva (u periodu od 10. do 19. veka), pustinjskim karavanima i evropskim flotama u pohodu ka akanskim zlatonosnim poljima, o običajima cenkanja do „poslednjeg zrna zlata“, boji plamena za tegove-skulpture u bronzi i drugim temama vezanim za istoriju i kulturu naroda Akan. Izuzetnost zbirke tegova Muzeja afričke umetnosti u Beogradu, sa više od 500 originalnih predmeta, kao i zbirka Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja sa više od 200 tegova koji su po prvi put biti predstavljeni javnosti, poslužili su kao polazište za obradu nekoliko temata: AFRIČKO ZLATO U STAROM SVETU transsaharska trgovina zlatom, od 10. do 16. veka ZLATNI PRAH KAO NOVAC I JEDINICE TEŽINE: proizvodnja i promet zlata u „zlatnim kraljevstvima“ Gane, od 15. do 19. veka; kulturni kontakti i razmena između afričkih, arapskih i evropskih civilizacija AMBLEMI TRADICIJE I DRUŠTVENIH VREDNOSTI motivi tegova kao ilustracije poslovica i izreka POUKE NA TEGOVIMA ZA MERENJE ZLATNOG PRAHA Kao i oblici, i značenja koja su tegovi-skulpture imali različita su: mnogi asociraju mudre pouke iz poslovica i narodnih priča, čuvaju sećanja na bitke, mitove i legende, ili predstavljaju određene simbole. Navodimo neke od akanskih poslovica: Lud je onaj ko puši i nosi bačvu sa barutom na glavi! Između ključa i brave, jedan je stariji - mora postojati vođa, čak i među jednakima. Ne treba ti veliki štap da slomiješ petlu vrat - kaže se za moćnog čoveka koji nepotrebno zlostavlja siromašnog i nezaštićenog. Snaga palmovog drveta je u njegovim granama - kraljeva moć leži u broju njegovih podanika. ---- ovaj teg nije bio na izlozbi u MAU ----- ---------------------------------------- Akan goldweights, (locally known as mrammou), are weights made of brass used as a measuring system by the Akan people of West Africa, particularly for wei and fair-trade arrangements with one another. The status of a man increased significantly if he owned a complete set of weights. Complete small sets of weights were gifts to newly wedded men. This insured that he would be able to enter the merchant trade respectably and successfully. Beyond their practical application, the weights are miniature representations of West African culture items such as adinkra symbols, plants, animals and people. Stylistic studies of goldweights can provide relative dates into the two broad early and late periods. The Early period is thought to have been from about 1400–1720 AD, with some overlap with the Late period, 1700-1900 AD. There is a distinct difference between the Early and Late periods. Geometric weights are the oldest forms, dating from 1400 AD onwards while figurative weights, those made in the image of people, animals, building etc., first appear around 1600 AD. Radiocarbon dating, a standard and accurate method in many disciplines, cannot be used to date the weights, as it is an inorganic material. The base components of inorganic materials, such as metals, formed long before the manufacturing of the artifact.The copper and zinc used to make the alloy are exponentially older than the artifact itself. Studies on the quality or origins of the base metals in brass are not very useful due to the broad distribution and recycling of the material. Studying the weight`s cultural background or provenance is an accurate method of dating the weights. Historical records accompanying the weight describing the people to whom it belonged to, as well as a comparative study of the weights and oral and artistic traditions of neighbouring communities should be part of studying the background and provenance of the weights. Scholars use the weights, and the oral traditions behind the weights, to understand aspects of Akan culture that otherwise may have been lost. The weights represent stories, riddles, and code of conducts that helped guide Akan peoples in the ways they live their lives. Central to Akan culture is the concern for equality and justice; it is rich in oral histories on this subject. Many weights symbolize significant and well-known stories. The weights were part of the Akan`s cultural reinforcement, expressing personal behaviour codes, beliefs, and values in a medium that was assembled by many people. Anthony Appiah describes[2] how his mother, who collected goldweights, was visited by Muslim Hausa traders from the north. The goldweights they brought were `sold by people who had no use for them any more, now that paper and coin had replaced gold-dust as currency. And as she collected them, she heard more and more of the folklore that went with them; the proverbs that every figurative gold-weight elicited; the folk-tales, Ananseasem, that the proverbs evoked.` Appiah also heard these Ananseasem, Anansi stories, from his father, and writes: `Between his stories and the cultural messages that came with the gold-weights, we gathered the sort of sense of a cultural tradition that comes from growing up in it. For us it was not Asante tradition but the webwork of our lives.` There are a number of parallels between Akan goldweights and the seals used in Harappa. Both artifacts stabilized and secured regional and local trade between peoples, while they took on further meaning beyond their practical uses. Shields are symbols of bravery, stamina, or a glorious deed, though not necessarily in battle. Double-edged swords symbolize a joint rule between female and male, rather than implying violence or rule with fear. The naming of the weights is incredibly complex, as a complete list of Akan weights had more than sixty values, and each set had a local name that varied regionally. There are, from studies done by Garrard, twelve weight-name lists from Ghana and the Ivory Coast. Some estimate that there are 3 million goldweights in existence. Simon Fraser University has a small collection, consisting mostly of geometric style weights, with a number of human figurative weights. Both types are pictured here and come from the SFU Museum of Archaeology and Ethnography. Many of the largest museums of in the US and Europe have sizable collections of goldweights. The National Museum of Ghana, the Musée des Civilisations de Côte d`Ivoire in Abidjan, Derby Museum and smaller museums in Mali all have collections of weights with a range of dates. Private collections have amassed a wide range of weights as well. In the past, each weight was meticulously carved, then cast using the ancient technique of lost wax. As the Akan culture moved away from using gold as the basis of their economy, the weights lost their cultural day-to-day use and some of their significance. Their popularity with tourists has created a market that the locals fill with mass-produced weights. These modern reproductions of the weights have become a tourist favorite. Rather than the simple but artistic facial features of the anthropomorphic weights or the clean, smooth lines of the geomorphic weights, modern weights are unrefined and mass-produced look. The strong oral tradition of the Akan is not included in the creation of the weights; however, this does not seem to lessen their popularity. The skill involved in casting weights was enormous; as most weights were less than 2½ ounces and their exact mass was meticulously measured. They were a standard of measure to be used in trade, and had to be accurate. The goldsmith, or adwumfo, would make adjustments if the casting weighed too much or too little. Even the most beautiful, figurative weights had limbs and horns removed, or edges filed down until it met the closest weight equivalent. Weights that were not heavy enough would have small lead rings or glass beads attached to bring up the weight to the desired standard. There are far more weights without modifications than not, speaking to the talent of the goldsmiths. Most weights were within 3% of their theoretical value; this variance is similar to those of European nest weights from the same time. Early weights display bold, but simple, artistic designs. Later weights developed into beautiful works of art with fine details. However, by the 1890s (Late Period) the quality of both design and material was very poor, and the abandonment of the weights quickly followed. Tim Garrard (April 28, 1943 – May 17, 2007) studied the Akan gold culture. His research was centered on goldweights and their cultural significances and purposes. He was also interested in the gold trade, the creation of the weight measurements, and how Akan trade networks operated with other networks. His works and those that use his work as a base are very informative about broader Akan culture. The weights pictured here are part of the collection at the SFU museum. Donated to the museum in the late 1970s, they are part of a wide collection of African cultural pieces.

piramida 1,5 x 1 x 1,1 cm bronza samo srbija ovaj predmet ne saljem u inostranstvo serbia only I do not send this item abroad Prošle izložbe (Muzej Africke umetnosti) 16. februar 2011. - 20. avgust 2011. AUTOR IZLOŽBE I KATALOGA Marija Ličina, kustos MAU Na izložbi je prikazano više od 500 tegova za merenje zlatnog praha iz zbirke Muzeja afričke umetnosti, preko 200 tegova iz zbirke Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja u Ljubljani, primeri iz privatnih kolekcija. Pored tegova, izložba uključuje i prateće predmete kao što su vage, kutije i kašike za zlatni prah. Tegovi naroda Akan jedinstveni su u svetu po svojim oblicima - predstavljaju ljude (ratnike, vračeve, lovce...), životinje (ptice,krokodili, antilope...), biljke (kikiriki, cvetove palmi, patlidžane...), predmete (bubnjeve, sandale, topove...), i brojne druge figurativne i geometrijske motive. Koliko privlače svojim oblicima, kao umetničke forme u bronzi, dimenzija od tek nekoliko santimentara, akanski tegovi jednako su značajni kao svedočanstva o prirodnom bogatstvu zlata u Zapadnoj Africi. Njima je meren zlatni prah, koji je imao ulogu novca u Gani i Obali Slonovače kod naroda Akan od 15. sve do kraja 19. veka, u svakodnevnim aktivnostima - na tržnicama, u kraljevskim trezorima zlata i za naplate državnih taksi i poreza. Izložba „Tegovi za merenje zlatnog praha naroda Akan“, autorke Marije Ličine, predstavila je značaj koji su u globalnoj istoriji imali bogata nalazišta zlata, trgovinski i kulturni kontakti na prostoru Zapadne Afrike. Kroz izložbu, posetioci uče o prometu zlata od afričke obale Mediterana do Gvinejskog zaliva (u periodu od 10. do 19. veka), pustinjskim karavanima i evropskim flotama u pohodu ka akanskim zlatonosnim poljima, o običajima cenkanja do „poslednjeg zrna zlata“, boji plamena za tegove-skulpture u bronzi i drugim temama vezanim za istoriju i kulturu naroda Akan. Izuzetnost zbirke tegova Muzeja afričke umetnosti u Beogradu, sa više od 500 originalnih predmeta, kao i zbirka Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja sa više od 200 tegova koji su po prvi put biti predstavljeni javnosti, poslužili su kao polazište za obradu nekoliko temata: AFRIČKO ZLATO U STAROM SVETU transsaharska trgovina zlatom, od 10. do 16. veka ZLATNI PRAH KAO NOVAC I JEDINICE TEŽINE: proizvodnja i promet zlata u „zlatnim kraljevstvima“ Gane, od 15. do 19. veka; kulturni kontakti i razmena između afričkih, arapskih i evropskih civilizacija AMBLEMI TRADICIJE I DRUŠTVENIH VREDNOSTI motivi tegova kao ilustracije poslovica i izreka POUKE NA TEGOVIMA ZA MERENJE ZLATNOG PRAHA Kao i oblici, i značenja koja su tegovi-skulpture imali različita su: mnogi asociraju mudre pouke iz poslovica i narodnih priča, čuvaju sećanja na bitke, mitove i legende, ili predstavljaju određene simbole. Navodimo neke od akanskih poslovica: Lud je onaj ko puši i nosi bačvu sa barutom na glavi! Između ključa i brave, jedan je stariji - mora postojati vođa, čak i među jednakima. Ne treba ti veliki štap da slomiješ petlu vrat - kaže se za moćnog čoveka koji nepotrebno zlostavlja siromašnog i nezaštićenog. Snaga palmovog drveta je u njegovim granama - kraljeva moć leži u broju njegovih podanika. ---- ovaj teg nije bio na izlozbi u MAU ----- ---------------------------------------- Akan goldweights, (locally known as mrammou), are weights made of brass used as a measuring system by the Akan people of West Africa, particularly for wei and fair-trade arrangements with one another. The status of a man increased significantly if he owned a complete set of weights. Complete small sets of weights were gifts to newly wedded men. This insured that he would be able to enter the merchant trade respectably and successfully. Beyond their practical application, the weights are miniature representations of West African culture items such as adinkra symbols, plants, animals and people. Stylistic studies of goldweights can provide relative dates into the two broad early and late periods. The Early period is thought to have been from about 1400–1720 AD, with some overlap with the Late period, 1700-1900 AD. There is a distinct difference between the Early and Late periods. Geometric weights are the oldest forms, dating from 1400 AD onwards while figurative weights, those made in the image of people, animals, building etc., first appear around 1600 AD. Radiocarbon dating, a standard and accurate method in many disciplines, cannot be used to date the weights, as it is an inorganic material. The base components of inorganic materials, such as metals, formed long before the manufacturing of the artifact.The copper and zinc used to make the alloy are exponentially older than the artifact itself. Studies on the quality or origins of the base metals in brass are not very useful due to the broad distribution and recycling of the material. Studying the weight`s cultural background or provenance is an accurate method of dating the weights. Historical records accompanying the weight describing the people to whom it belonged to, as well as a comparative study of the weights and oral and artistic traditions of neighbouring communities should be part of studying the background and provenance of the weights. Scholars use the weights, and the oral traditions behind the weights, to understand aspects of Akan culture that otherwise may have been lost. The weights represent stories, riddles, and code of conducts that helped guide Akan peoples in the ways they live their lives. Central to Akan culture is the concern for equality and justice; it is rich in oral histories on this subject. Many weights symbolize significant and well-known stories. The weights were part of the Akan`s cultural reinforcement, expressing personal behaviour codes, beliefs, and values in a medium that was assembled by many people. Anthony Appiah describes[2] how his mother, who collected goldweights, was visited by Muslim Hausa traders from the north. The goldweights they brought were `sold by people who had no use for them any more, now that paper and coin had replaced gold-dust as currency. And as she collected them, she heard more and more of the folklore that went with them; the proverbs that every figurative gold-weight elicited; the folk-tales, Ananseasem, that the proverbs evoked.` Appiah also heard these Ananseasem, Anansi stories, from his father, and writes: `Between his stories and the cultural messages that came with the gold-weights, we gathered the sort of sense of a cultural tradition that comes from growing up in it. For us it was not Asante tradition but the webwork of our lives.` There are a number of parallels between Akan goldweights and the seals used in Harappa. Both artifacts stabilized and secured regional and local trade between peoples, while they took on further meaning beyond their practical uses. Shields are symbols of bravery, stamina, or a glorious deed, though not necessarily in battle. Double-edged swords symbolize a joint rule between female and male, rather than implying violence or rule with fear. The naming of the weights is incredibly complex, as a complete list of Akan weights had more than sixty values, and each set had a local name that varied regionally. There are, from studies done by Garrard, twelve weight-name lists from Ghana and the Ivory Coast. Some estimate that there are 3 million goldweights in existence. Simon Fraser University has a small collection, consisting mostly of geometric style weights, with a number of human figurative weights. Both types are pictured here and come from the SFU Museum of Archaeology and Ethnography. Many of the largest museums of in the US and Europe have sizable collections of goldweights. The National Museum of Ghana, the Musée des Civilisations de Côte d`Ivoire in Abidjan, Derby Museum and smaller museums in Mali all have collections of weights with a range of dates. Private collections have amassed a wide range of weights as well. In the past, each weight was meticulously carved, then cast using the ancient technique of lost wax. As the Akan culture moved away from using gold as the basis of their economy, the weights lost their cultural day-to-day use and some of their significance. Their popularity with tourists has created a market that the locals fill with mass-produced weights. These modern reproductions of the weights have become a tourist favorite. Rather than the simple but artistic facial features of the anthropomorphic weights or the clean, smooth lines of the geomorphic weights, modern weights are unrefined and mass-produced look. The strong oral tradition of the Akan is not included in the creation of the weights; however, this does not seem to lessen their popularity. The skill involved in casting weights was enormous; as most weights were less than 2½ ounces and their exact mass was meticulously measured. They were a standard of measure to be used in trade, and had to be accurate. The goldsmith, or adwumfo, would make adjustments if the casting weighed too much or too little. Even the most beautiful, figurative weights had limbs and horns removed, or edges filed down until it met the closest weight equivalent. Weights that were not heavy enough would have small lead rings or glass beads attached to bring up the weight to the desired standard. There are far more weights without modifications than not, speaking to the talent of the goldsmiths. Most weights were within 3% of their theoretical value; this variance is similar to those of European nest weights from the same time. Early weights display bold, but simple, artistic designs. Later weights developed into beautiful works of art with fine details. However, by the 1890s (Late Period) the quality of both design and material was very poor, and the abandonment of the weights quickly followed. Tim Garrard (April 28, 1943 – May 17, 2007) studied the Akan gold culture. His research was centered on goldweights and their cultural significances and purposes. He was also interested in the gold trade, the creation of the weight measurements, and how Akan trade networks operated with other networks. His works and those that use his work as a base are very informative about broader Akan culture. The weights pictured here are part of the collection at the SFU museum. Donated to the museum in the late 1970s, they are part of a wide collection of African cultural pieces.

1,2 x 1,2 x 0.5 cm bronza samo srbija ovaj predmet ne saljem u inostranstvo serbia only I do not send this item abroad Prošle izložbe (Muzej Africke umetnosti) 16. februar 2011. - 20. avgust 2011. AUTOR IZLOŽBE I KATALOGA Marija Ličina, kustos MAU Na izložbi je prikazano više od 500 tegova za merenje zlatnog praha iz zbirke Muzeja afričke umetnosti, preko 200 tegova iz zbirke Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja u Ljubljani, primeri iz privatnih kolekcija. Pored tegova, izložba uključuje i prateće predmete kao što su vage, kutije i kašike za zlatni prah. Tegovi naroda Akan jedinstveni su u svetu po svojim oblicima - predstavljaju ljude (ratnike, vračeve, lovce...), životinje (ptice,krokodili, antilope...), biljke (kikiriki, cvetove palmi, patlidžane...), predmete (bubnjeve, sandale, topove...), i brojne druge figurativne i geometrijske motive. Koliko privlače svojim oblicima, kao umetničke forme u bronzi, dimenzija od tek nekoliko santimentara, akanski tegovi jednako su značajni kao svedočanstva o prirodnom bogatstvu zlata u Zapadnoj Africi. Njima je meren zlatni prah, koji je imao ulogu novca u Gani i Obali Slonovače kod naroda Akan od 15. sve do kraja 19. veka, u svakodnevnim aktivnostima - na tržnicama, u kraljevskim trezorima zlata i za naplate državnih taksi i poreza. Izložba „Tegovi za merenje zlatnog praha naroda Akan“, autorke Marije Ličine, predstavila je značaj koji su u globalnoj istoriji imali bogata nalazišta zlata, trgovinski i kulturni kontakti na prostoru Zapadne Afrike. Kroz izložbu, posetioci uče o prometu zlata od afričke obale Mediterana do Gvinejskog zaliva (u periodu od 10. do 19. veka), pustinjskim karavanima i evropskim flotama u pohodu ka akanskim zlatonosnim poljima, o običajima cenkanja do „poslednjeg zrna zlata“, boji plamena za tegove-skulpture u bronzi i drugim temama vezanim za istoriju i kulturu naroda Akan. Izuzetnost zbirke tegova Muzeja afričke umetnosti u Beogradu, sa više od 500 originalnih predmeta, kao i zbirka Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja sa više od 200 tegova koji su po prvi put biti predstavljeni javnosti, poslužili su kao polazište za obradu nekoliko temata: AFRIČKO ZLATO U STAROM SVETU transsaharska trgovina zlatom, od 10. do 16. veka ZLATNI PRAH KAO NOVAC I JEDINICE TEŽINE: proizvodnja i promet zlata u „zlatnim kraljevstvima“ Gane, od 15. do 19. veka; kulturni kontakti i razmena između afričkih, arapskih i evropskih civilizacija AMBLEMI TRADICIJE I DRUŠTVENIH VREDNOSTI motivi tegova kao ilustracije poslovica i izreka POUKE NA TEGOVIMA ZA MERENJE ZLATNOG PRAHA Kao i oblici, i značenja koja su tegovi-skulpture imali različita su: mnogi asociraju mudre pouke iz poslovica i narodnih priča, čuvaju sećanja na bitke, mitove i legende, ili predstavljaju određene simbole. Navodimo neke od akanskih poslovica: Lud je onaj ko puši i nosi bačvu sa barutom na glavi! Između ključa i brave, jedan je stariji - mora postojati vođa, čak i među jednakima. Ne treba ti veliki štap da slomiješ petlu vrat - kaže se za moćnog čoveka koji nepotrebno zlostavlja siromašnog i nezaštićenog. Snaga palmovog drveta je u njegovim granama - kraljeva moć leži u broju njegovih podanika. ---- ovaj teg nije bio na izlozbi u MAU ----- ---------------------------------------- Akan goldweights, (locally known as mrammou), are weights made of brass used as a measuring system by the Akan people of West Africa, particularly for wei and fair-trade arrangements with one another. The status of a man increased significantly if he owned a complete set of weights. Complete small sets of weights were gifts to newly wedded men. This insured that he would be able to enter the merchant trade respectably and successfully. Beyond their practical application, the weights are miniature representations of West African culture items such as adinkra symbols, plants, animals and people. Stylistic studies of goldweights can provide relative dates into the two broad early and late periods. The Early period is thought to have been from about 1400–1720 AD, with some overlap with the Late period, 1700-1900 AD. There is a distinct difference between the Early and Late periods. Geometric weights are the oldest forms, dating from 1400 AD onwards while figurative weights, those made in the image of people, animals, building etc., first appear around 1600 AD. Radiocarbon dating, a standard and accurate method in many disciplines, cannot be used to date the weights, as it is an inorganic material. The base components of inorganic materials, such as metals, formed long before the manufacturing of the artifact.The copper and zinc used to make the alloy are exponentially older than the artifact itself. Studies on the quality or origins of the base metals in brass are not very useful due to the broad distribution and recycling of the material. Studying the weight`s cultural background or provenance is an accurate method of dating the weights. Historical records accompanying the weight describing the people to whom it belonged to, as well as a comparative study of the weights and oral and artistic traditions of neighbouring communities should be part of studying the background and provenance of the weights. Scholars use the weights, and the oral traditions behind the weights, to understand aspects of Akan culture that otherwise may have been lost. The weights represent stories, riddles, and code of conducts that helped guide Akan peoples in the ways they live their lives. Central to Akan culture is the concern for equality and justice; it is rich in oral histories on this subject. Many weights symbolize significant and well-known stories. The weights were part of the Akan`s cultural reinforcement, expressing personal behaviour codes, beliefs, and values in a medium that was assembled by many people. Anthony Appiah describes[2] how his mother, who collected goldweights, was visited by Muslim Hausa traders from the north. The goldweights they brought were `sold by people who had no use for them any more, now that paper and coin had replaced gold-dust as currency. And as she collected them, she heard more and more of the folklore that went with them; the proverbs that every figurative gold-weight elicited; the folk-tales, Ananseasem, that the proverbs evoked.` Appiah also heard these Ananseasem, Anansi stories, from his father, and writes: `Between his stories and the cultural messages that came with the gold-weights, we gathered the sort of sense of a cultural tradition that comes from growing up in it. For us it was not Asante tradition but the webwork of our lives.` There are a number of parallels between Akan goldweights and the seals used in Harappa. Both artifacts stabilized and secured regional and local trade between peoples, while they took on further meaning beyond their practical uses. Shields are symbols of bravery, stamina, or a glorious deed, though not necessarily in battle. Double-edged swords symbolize a joint rule between female and male, rather than implying violence or rule with fear. The naming of the weights is incredibly complex, as a complete list of Akan weights had more than sixty values, and each set had a local name that varied regionally. There are, from studies done by Garrard, twelve weight-name lists from Ghana and the Ivory Coast. Some estimate that there are 3 million goldweights in existence. Simon Fraser University has a small collection, consisting mostly of geometric style weights, with a number of human figurative weights. Both types are pictured here and come from the SFU Museum of Archaeology and Ethnography. Many of the largest museums of in the US and Europe have sizable collections of goldweights. The National Museum of Ghana, the Musée des Civilisations de Côte d`Ivoire in Abidjan, Derby Museum and smaller museums in Mali all have collections of weights with a range of dates. Private collections have amassed a wide range of weights as well. In the past, each weight was meticulously carved, then cast using the ancient technique of lost wax. As the Akan culture moved away from using gold as the basis of their economy, the weights lost their cultural day-to-day use and some of their significance. Their popularity with tourists has created a market that the locals fill with mass-produced weights. These modern reproductions of the weights have become a tourist favorite. Rather than the simple but artistic facial features of the anthropomorphic weights or the clean, smooth lines of the geomorphic weights, modern weights are unrefined and mass-produced look. The strong oral tradition of the Akan is not included in the creation of the weights; however, this does not seem to lessen their popularity. The skill involved in casting weights was enormous; as most weights were less than 2½ ounces and their exact mass was meticulously measured. They were a standard of measure to be used in trade, and had to be accurate. The goldsmith, or adwumfo, would make adjustments if the casting weighed too much or too little. Even the most beautiful, figurative weights had limbs and horns removed, or edges filed down until it met the closest weight equivalent. Weights that were not heavy enough would have small lead rings or glass beads attached to bring up the weight to the desired standard. There are far more weights without modifications than not, speaking to the talent of the goldsmiths. Most weights were within 3% of their theoretical value; this variance is similar to those of European nest weights from the same time. Early weights display bold, but simple, artistic designs. Later weights developed into beautiful works of art with fine details. However, by the 1890s (Late Period) the quality of both design and material was very poor, and the abandonment of the weights quickly followed. Tim Garrard (April 28, 1943 – May 17, 2007) studied the Akan gold culture. His research was centered on goldweights and their cultural significances and purposes. He was also interested in the gold trade, the creation of the weight measurements, and how Akan trade networks operated with other networks. His works and those that use his work as a base are very informative about broader Akan culture. The weights pictured here are part of the collection at the SFU museum. Donated to the museum in the late 1970s, they are part of a wide collection of African cultural pieces.

Suvenir iz Afrike...

Kamena rezbarena figura ptica sova skulptura dimenzija 7x4x3cm vrlo dobro ocuvana.

92 x 9 cm na zalost, polomljen pa zalepljen na jednom mestu (sredina) poprecno pri vrhu,sa obe strane pise BEOGRAD (cirilicom i latinicom) nize dole,pise: RADIO DRS ; a sa druge strane : 1977 drvo (hrastovina iz kolubare), rucni rad naiva, brut art. folk art, primitive & outsider art samo srbija ovaj predmet ne saljem u inostranstvo serbia only I do not send this item abroad Dragiša Stanisavljević (Jabučje, 1921 – 21. avgust 2012) bio je vajar, klasik naivne umetnosti Srbije. Rođen je 1921. godine u Jabučju kod Valjeva, Srbija. Skulpturom se bavio od 1958. Život na selu i vaspitanje u duhu patrijarhalnih načela, zavičajno okruženje stoletnim šumama podstakli su svakako njegov nagon za slobodom i oblikovanjem. Apsolutni je samouk, snažnog osećaja za stilizaciju forme. Umro je 2012. godine u Jabučju. Frontalnost i jednostavnost u izrazu, arhaično shvatanje forme, nesvesno su postignuti. Iz crnih, stoletnih debala umetnik oslobađa čistu formu, gladeći je do sjaja. Zaobljava je i ističe njenu organsku bit. Završava ono što je priroda davno započela. Sve je stilizovano gotovo do ogoljene, osnovne praforme, redukovano s izrazitim osećajem za meru, kakav su posedovali samo izvorni umetnici primitivnih kultura. Instiktivno stvaralaštvo ovog umetnika koje traje već više od pet decenija, ukazuje na snagu autentičnosti njegovih originalnih formi, na vezu između praiskonskog i modernog senzibiliteta likovnog izražavanja. Stoletna hrastovina koju vadi iz korita obližnje reke, nosi sama po sebi neki tajanstveni trag na svojoj materiji, vrstu patine. Sa izrazitim osećajem za harmoniju, bez gestova, sa interesovanjem za duhovnu podlogu svojih likova. Dragiša nesvesno shvata ulogu forme u postizanju univerzalnog. Reljefno shvatanje forme sa izraženim vertikalnim komponovanjem pomoćiće umetniku u njegovoj jednostavnosti izraza naročito kada za motiv bira filozofska razmišljanja o odnosima ljudi, njihovim sudbinama, skrivenim osobinama, njihovom grehu ili molitvi. Izlagao je samostalno i grupno počev od 1964. godine, u zemlji i inostranstvu, kao i na gotovo svim međunarodnim izložbama naivne i marginalne umetnosti (svetskim trijenalima u Bratislavi, počev od šezdesetih godina, tematskim izložbama u Martinjiju, Parizu, Pragu, Budimpešti itd.) Za svoje monumentalne skulpture, dobijao je više nagrada i priznanja, od kojih je najznačajnija Nagrada za ukupan umetnički rad na 10. Bijenalu naivne i marginalne umetnosti, 2001. godine u MNMU, Jagodina, Srbija. ------------------------------------- Dragiša Stanisavljević rođen je u selu Jabučju – Srbija 1921. godine, gde je proveo čitav svoj život i umro 2012. u svojoj 91. godini. Potiče iz skromne porodice ali, umetnički veoma obdarene. Za Dragišu i njegovog sina Milana akademik Ivan Tabaković tvrdio je da su: ,,…bili i ostali istinski nukleusi vajarske umetnosti…”. Umetnikova sestra Ranka Dinić sa uspehom piše poeziju, a u svet likovne umetnosti sa žarom i uverenjem Stanisavljevića upustila se i unuka Ivana. Vaspitavan u duhu patrijarhalnih načela, rano je naučio da nemanje zameni umećem. Radio je kao železnički radnik, obrađivao zemlju, a bio je vičan i mnogim zanatima i poslovima. Kuća, ograda, pokućstvo – delo su Dragišinih ruku. Zimske večeri prekraćivao je režući razne upotrebne i ukrasne predmete od drveta i prodavao ih, kako bi dodatno popravio svoje prihode. Tako se dogodilo da ovi predmeti dođu u ruke slikaru i profesoru Ivanu Tabakoviću, koji je sa velikom pažnjom pratio i štitio rad samoukih umetnika. Posetio je Dragišu u Jabučju. Među rezbarenim kutijama, koricama u drškama za noževe, sviralama i štapovima, primetio je i nekoliko zabačenih, prašnjavih figura. Dragiša mu je objasnio da su to nezavršeni radovi, i da slične ,,nezavršene” figure, radi i njegov sin Milan. Upravo ti, ,,nezavršeni” sumarno obrađeni kipovi imali su snagu neposrednosti i prizvuke originalnosti koje je profesor naslućivao i priželjkivao. Uticaj stručnjaka na pojedine naivne umetnike bio je od velikog značaj u formiranju njihove umetničke ličnosti. Ali treba imati u vidu da su, pri tom, uvek bili presudni talenat i lična predispozicija autora. Uz potsticaj i podršku Ivana Tabakovića, Dragiša i Milan izlagali su zajedno već 1964. godine u Beogradskom grafičkom kolektivu. Ako posmatramo skulpturu “Troglavog” 1962. možda je predstava tri objedinjene figure u čvrsti stub, začetak nove legende o umetničkoj porodici sa dubokim korenjem i dugačkim trajanjem, čiji je začetnik Dragiša Stanisavljević, produžava je i nadmašuje sin Milan, a umetničku nit sa uspehom nastavlja unuka Ivana. ------------------------------------------------ Trpe Nikolovski o Dragiši Dragiša Stanisavljević vajar – naivac iz Jabučja godinama dokazuje da je kultura kad se lepota udruži sa istinom. Da vas upoznam sa pokojnim ocem..! Glosa: „Moj sin Milan, kad dovede prijatelje u našu kuću, koja je godinama već muzej naive, oronuo i dotrajao doduše, jer niko sem nas dvojice o njemu ne brine, pokazujući im skulpturu „Pokojnik”, a ja se odnegde pojavim na vratima, ima običaj da kaže: „E, sad, kad ste videli drvenog Dragišu, da vas upoznam i sa njenim autorom, mojim pokojnim ocem!” Piše Trpe Nikolovski Krevet je Dragiša napravio od tesanih dasaka hrastovine i ukrasio reljefnim predstavama Bogorodice sa Hristom, Arhanđela Mihajla, cara Lazara i carice Milice. Pored kreveta nalazi se masivni kovčeg sa ležećom figurom pokojnika sa šajkačom na glavi, šiljkanima na nogama, brič pantalonama, išaranim čarapama, vezenim jelekom, do grla zakopčanoj košulji, i rukama stisnutim uz telo. Sa strane kovčega izrezbarena je pogrebna povorka, utučenih ljudi, biće valjda, komšija i prijatelja. Više je nego očigledno da drveni „Pokojnik” ovde preuzima ulogu dvojnika samog umetnika. Zauzima Dragišino mesto na kovčegu sve dok on ne završi započete poslove u ovom životu. Izvajao ga je posle jedne preležane bolesti, da po narodnom običaju iznenadi smrt i preuzme zlo. – Kad dođe vreme, kad ja rešim – šali se, smejući se punim srcem Dragiša – ima da legnem na onaj krevet, pored ovog mog ispisnika, pa ujutro, ko se od nas dvojice probudi, taj će i da navabi živinu. A dotle, samo ću ovako da ga pokazujem ljudima. – Znate kako ga je radio, kako mu je uzimao meru – šali se sin Milan koji nas je krivudavim stazama i bogazama pored tamnavskih ugljenokopa, uz Kolubaru i dovezao do očevine u Jabučju, koju bi, kako reče, jer je zabita, dolazeći iz Beograda, teško mogli da nađemo . – Legao je na jednu dasku i rekao unuci da mu kredom povuće po dasci, baš tamo gde mu se završavaju šiljkani i šajkača, i obavezno ocrta i popola, gde je bio zategao pojas od pantalona. To su mu bile mere za skulpturu. Nije hteo da omane ni u milimetar, da ne napravi nekog drugog, nego sebe. – Bilo mi od tada nekoliko puta loše – nastavlja priču Dragiša – al’ zahvaljujući ovom mom dvojniku, dubleru, ja svanjivam svako jutro i idem za živinom, a ko zna da li bi tako bilo da se ovaj ovde nije opružio. No, ne uzima ni njega, biće da mu još nismo po volji, evo ga, leži, vidite ga… – smeje se šeretski naš domaćin. U sobi između kovčega i kreveta nalaze se skulpture „Molitva” i „Krilati anđeo”. Zidove sobe krase reljefni prikazi „Tajne večere”, „Skidanja s krsta” i mnoštvo ikona. Iz ove sobe proisteklo je Dragišino poimanje sveta i umetnosti sve što umetnik opaža i spoznaje u mirnom seoskom okruženju zelenih proplanaka oko Kolubare, ali i crnih ogromnih rupčaga tamnavskih ugljenokopa koji se neumitno približavaju prvim okućnicama rodnog mu Jabučja. – Ko smrt čeka – zagonetno će Dragiša – taj će otkriti sve što mu je na srcu. Ali, što više i što dublje saznaješ svoj život, tim manje veruješ da se on može uništi smrću. Za Dragišu je sve tema, pogotovo što je rano naučio da nemanje zameni umećem. Radio je kao železnički radnik i ratar, a bio je, i dandanji je, vičan i mnogim zanatima. Kuća, ograda, pokućstvo, sve je to delo Dragišinih ruku. Još kao dete, zimske večeri, prekraćivao je režući razne upotrebne i ukrasne predmete od drveta, poneke ih prodajući na beogradskim pijacama. I sve tako do 1964.godine, kada su njegove rukotvorine nekako došle u ruke slikaru i profesoru Ivanu Tabakoviću, koji je sa velikom pažnjom pratio i štitio rad samoukih slikara. Uz podsticaj, podršku i na nagovor profesora, Dragiša i sin mu Milan, izlagali su zajedno sa njim svoje rezbarije u drvetu. Bilo je to pre tačno četrdeset godina u Beogradskom grafičkom kolektivu, a novinari nisu mogli čudom da se načude; profesor Tabaković izlaže zajedno sa dva vajara – naivca. Saživljenost sa prirodom i ljudima ogleda se i u izboru materijala u kome on i sin danas rade. Kao što je njegov pogled okrenut ka veri i mitu, tako je odabrao i drvo koje i samo ima svoju istoriju i legendu: crna hrastovinu koju vade iz tresetišta pored Kolubare. Prastara je, otporna i jaka, toliko čvrsta, da ponekad i tri testere „štilovke” odu na remont dok se skulptura napravi. – Vreme, voda i zemlja tvorili su njenu građu baš kao i ljude koje od nje vajam i režem – kaže Dragiša, milujući jedno od tri stabla visoka nekih tri do pet metara, širine oko dva metara, izvađenih sa tamnavskih kopova. – U oba slučaja reč je o životu, stradanju i ponovnom rađanju – nastavlja Dragiša. – Kao što selišće na stablu menja, tako prolazi i ljudski rod. Odlaze jedni, dolaze drugi ljudi, al’ za njima, treba nešto lepo da ostane. Ja se trudim, i uspevam. Moj Milan me je nadmašio u svemu, on me je i naučio nekim savršenstvima u skulpturi, pa na onu njegovu pošalicu da ljude upoznaje s pokojnim ocem ja uzvraćam; e, tako ti je kod nas Stanisavljevića, „od sina je ostanulo ocu”. Milan je vrhunski suklptor. Na meni prihvatljiv način prenosio mi je savete učenog profesora Ivana Tabakovića, preuzevši na sebe ulogu čuvara mojih, kako jednom neko napisa, u crnoj kolubarskoj hrastovini neiskvareno oblikovanih osećanja. Dragišu produžava i nadmašuje sin Milan, a umetničku nit sa uspehom nastavlja i unuka Ivana, koja nosi ime pokojnog profesora Ivana Tabakovića. A da sudbinski božji prst bude čudovišniji, rođena je istog dana kada je velikan srpske umetnosti preminuo. ANTRFILE: Divili se Evropljani, al’ i Amerikanci Dragišine skulpture nalaze se voljom ljudi kojima su se dopale, u kolekcijama bogatih na svih pet kontinenata. Dve godine, njegove skulpture, zajedno sa radovima slikara i naivaca iz Jugoslavije, obišle su čitavu Ameriku od Vašingtona do Tenseija. Ljudi su kupovali, divili se i uživali. – Ja se ne mučim dok radim. Ne tražim i ne izmišljam rešenja, koj’ će mi… Kad ne znam ‘de je čovek popola, šta mu je nagore, a šta nadole, ja legnem na deblo, unuka mi kredom il’ noktom, zabeleži kraj glave, stopala, i tu gde mi je kaiš na pantalonama, da imam celu figuru, i eto ti čoveka. Koja, druga mera, mi treba. Nikoja. Tako rezbareći izradio sam sve svece i vladare srpskog roda i poroda, od slavske mi ikone Svetog Đorđija, do Lazareve subote, gde je sedam likova na ikoni, sa crnim gavranom zloslutnikom nad glavom. I sve je to ovde, u ovoj mojoj kući, koja bi da je volje i para valjevskih i drugih vlasti, mogla i muzej da bude, da ljudi dolaze, gledaju i uživaju. ANTRFILE: Da spustim skulpturu, tu na Terazije – Imam jedan san – kaže Dragiša – Da me neko odvede kod gradonačelnika Beograda Radmile Hrustanović da mogu da joj pokažem skice za skulpturu koju sam namenio Beogradu. Da onda tu skulpturu uradim, za to još imam snage, i da bude jedno pet metara visoka i dva široka, od crne kolubarske hrastovine, koja je na dnu reke u mulju ležala neki kažu 10.000 a neki i 100.000 godina. Da onda ovde u selo dođe helikopter, da vežu lancima to moje delo i da ga spuste na Terazije, gde bi posle vekovima podsećalo na Dragišu Stanisavljevića iz Jabučja. Jeste, to sanjam. I da znate, srećan je onaj ko ima snove koji ga uspavljuju. Naspavao se toliko da mu se više i ne mili živeti, nego radostnik samo sanja… ----------------------------------------------------- He was born in Jabučje near Valjevo in 1921. He began doing sculpture in 1958. The life in the country under patriarchal principles, with century-old forests of his homeland and the impulse for modelling were basic motivational preferences of Dragiša Stanisavljević. Frontal aspect, simplicity of expression and archaic approach to form are unconsciously achieved. The artist liberated the form, polished it to brightness, made it round and emphasised its organic essence, thus completing what the nature had begun. Everything was stylised nearly to the bare, basic primordial form, and reduced with the pronounced sense for measure, which was known only to authentic artists of primitive cultures. More than five-decade-long instinctive and creative work of this artist pointed to the force of his authentic and original forms and the connection between primordial and modern sensibility of artistic expression. Age-old oak trunks which he tooled from the bed of the Kolubara River had a secret trace in its very substance, a kind of patina. With a pronounced sense of harmony, without gestures, expressive movements, but with interest in the spiritual background of his figures, Dragiša Stanisavljević understood the role of a form with the sensibility of a contemporary artist. Relief-like concept of form with pronounced vertical composition helped the artist with the simplicity of expression, especially when the selected motif was philosophical contemplation on human relationships, destinies, hidden characteristics, sins or prayers. He received many awards and recognitions for his monumental sculptures, among which the Award for Entire Artistic Work at the Tenth Biennial of Naïve and Marginal Art in Jagodina, 2001 was the most significant. He is a world classic. References: Oto Bihalji-Merin, Snovi i traume u drvetu, Beograd,1962 M. Bošković; M.Maširević, Samouki likovni umetnici u Srbiji, Torino,1977 Oto Bihalji-Merin; Nebojša Bato Tomašević, Enciklopedija naivne umetnosti sveta, Beograd, 1984 N. Krstić, Naivna umetnost Srbije, SANU, Jagodina, 2003 N. Krstić, Naivna i marginalna umetnost Srbije, MNMU, Jagodina, 2007 Lj. Kojić, Dragutin Aleksić, monografija, MNMU, Jagodina, 2007 N. Krstić, Histoire de Voire, Dragiša Stanisavljević,katalog, Pariz, 2012. N. Krstić, Outsiders, katalog, MNMU, Jagodina, 2013.

Odlivak alu kosac sa konjskom kosacicom..sir 40 cm vis 27 cm

Figura mesing, visina 28cm, masa 1.1kg

Izuzetna Maska ručni rad - GALEONE - iz Venecije. Ima sertifikat Dimenzije visina 26 cm, širina 20 cm Bez oštećenja. Stanje kao na slici Lična kupovina u centru BG-a, ili posle uplate šaljem kurirskom službom.

ULTRA RETKO, GOSPOD ISUS HRIST, VISINA 22 CM X POSTOLJE 12 CM

DRVO,RUCNI RAD,ORIGINALNO, DIMENZIJE 40 CM X 35 CM X 4 CM

Africka drvena skulptura od ebonovine dimenzija 21x13cm vrlo dobro ocuvana.

Mihajlo Paunovic Paun Portret Branka Copica, 1975 Rad je originalan, potpisan je i datiran, videti sliku materijal: bronza, precnik ~ 16 cm Branko Ćopić Biografske informacije Rođenje 1. januar 1915. Hašani, Bosna i Hercegovina (tada Austro-Ugarska) Smrt 26. mart 1984. (dob: 69) Beograd, Srbija (tada SFR Jugoslavija) Obrazovanje Zanimanje pisac, učitelj Opus Književne vrste proza, poezija Jezik srpskohrvatski jezik Znamenita djela Ježeva kućica Orlovi rano lete Branko Ćopić (Hašani kraj Bosanske Krupe, 1. januara 1915. – Beograd, 26. marta 1984.), jugoslovenski književnik. Učiteljsku školu je završio u Banja Luci, a Filozofski fakultet u Beogradu. Već kao student Ćopić se afirmiše kao pisac od dara, skreće na sebe pažnju književne kritike i dobija zasluženo priznanje dodeljivanjem nagrade Milana Rakića. Wikiquote „Nadahnut i spontan u svom književnom radu, dobar opservator i poznavalac živog narodnog govora, a uz to vedra duha i sa istančanim smislom za humor, Ćopić je lako i brzo osvojio najšire slojeve naše čitalačke publike. On je pisao pripovijetke i romane i njegovao pjesničko stvaralaštvo za djecu. Bio je dobar pisac humorističkih priča, a u toku Drugog svetskog rata i patriotskih pjesama.“ 1 Biografija 2 Bibliografija 2.1 Pripovijetke 2.2 Romani 2.3 Pjesme 2.4 Djela za djecu 3 Pripovedač 4 Romansijer 5 Humorista 6 Pjesnik 7 Dječiji pisac Biografija Uoči Drugog sv. rata nalazio se đačkom bataljonu u Mariboru. U danima aprilske katastrofe on je, sa grupom svojih drugova, pokušao da pruži otpor neprijatelju kod Mrkonjić grada. Posle toga je otišao u svoj rodni kraj, a kad je planula prva oslobodilačka puška, stupio je u redove ustanika i među njima ostao tokom cijele narodnooslobodilačke borbe. Sve vrijeme rata bio je ratni dopisnik zajedno s nerazdvojnim prijateljem i kumom, takođe veoma poznatim književnikom, Skenderom Kulenovićem. Djela su mu prevođena na ruski, engleski, francuski, njemački, ukrajinski, poljski, češki, bugarski, slovenački i mađarski jezik. Cijeli radni i životni vijek nakon Drugog svijetskog rata Branko Ćopić je proveo u Beogradu, ali je vrlo često putovao po Jugoslaviji i drugim evropskim državama. Mnogi su za njega govorili da je najveći dječiji pisac svih vremena rođen na prostorima bivše Jugoslavije. Iako je pripadao narodnooslobodilačkom pokretu Branko Ćopić je, kao čovjek velikog obrazovanja, bistrog uma, osjećaja za pravdu i pravednost i kritičkog posmatranja stvarnosti koja ga je okruživala veoma rano počeo da iznosi sopstvena mišljenja o nekim pojavama. Radio je to ili otvoreno ili u literaturi kao pisac. Dana 26. marta 1984. je izvršio samoubistvo skočivši sa mosta. Bibliografija Ćopićevo književno djelo je obimno i raznovrsno. Najpoznatija su mu djela: Pripovijetke Pod Grmečom (1938), Bojovnici i bjegunci (1939), Planinci (1940), Rosa na bajonetima (1947), Surova škola (1948), Odabrane ratne pripovjetke (1950), Izabrane humorističke priče (1952), Dragi likovi (1953), Dožvljaji Nikoletine Bursaća (1955 ), Bašta sljezove boje (1969); Romani Prolom (1952), Gluvi barut (1957), Ne tuguj bronzana stražo (1962); Orlovi rano lete(1959) Pjesme Ognjeno rađanje domovine (1944), Pjesme (1945) i Patnikovo proljeće (1947); Djela za djecu Priče partizanke (1944), Pjesme pionirke (1945), Vratolomne priče (1947), Sunčana republika (1948), Armija, odbrana tvoja (1949), Priče ispod zmajevih krila (1950), Pijetao i mačka (1952) i romani Orlovi rano lete (1959), Slavno vojevanje (1960) Magareće godine (1962) Bitka u zlatnoj dolini – poznate kao „Pionirska trilogija“. Ježeva Kućica - pjesma za najmađe, koja je veliku popularnost doživjela nakon ploče koju je izdao Jugoton 1975[1] Pripovedač Teren sa koga je Ćopić pretežno crpeo građu za svoje pripovjedačko stvaralaštvo bio je njegov zavičaj, vučaran podgrmečki kraj. Ćopića su doratnim pripovjetkama najviše zanimali siromašni seljaci, sanjari i prosjaci, djeca, skitnice i nadničari, i on je o svima njima pričao miloštom i brižnim, zaštitničkim razumevanjem. Ti njegovi junaci su svijet zaboravljenih, usamljenih i odbačenih ljudi koji bezglasno tuguju zbog zla kome ne mogu i ne umiu da se suprostave. U toku rata Jovanče je sa tim svojim junacima učestvovao u oružanom ustanku i pratio ih u napornim marševima i ljutim okršajima. Posmatrao je kako se njegovi mrgodni ljudi kale u vatri ustanka i preobražavaju u revolucionare. Iskreno oduševljen tim junaštvom i pregalaštvom, on je postao pjesnik i tumač njihovih srdaca. U takvom nadahnuću je nastala njegova ratna proza, njegova poema o malom čoveku koji je srcem krenuo u boj protiv nepravde i nasilja. U tim lirskim intoniranim pripovjetkama Ćopić je prikazivao herojske podvige i junačka pregaranja, primere mučeništva, samopregora i svesnog žrtvovanja za ideale slobode i jednakosti. Romansijer Branko Ćopić se sa uspjehom ogledao i na romanu, iako su prirodi njegovog talenta više odgovarale pripovjetke i novele. Romani Prolom i Gluvi barut slikaju učešće seljaka Bosanske krajine u ustanku, a roman Ne tuguj, bronzana stražo prilagođavanje kolonista novim uslovima života u Vojvodini. Humorista Dobar dio svog stvaralaštva u prozi Ćopić je humoristično intonirao. Humor se nalazi u prirodu i mentalitetu njegovih junaka, koji i u najtežim životnim trenucima znaju da sačuvaju vedrinu i da se nasmiju čak i vlastitoj nevolji. Osim toga, Ćopić je od onih pisaca čija se opservacija naročito manifestovala u otkrivanju sitnih ljudskih mana i nedostataka. Tako se i desilo da je ovaj naš vrsni pripovjedač o mirnim vremenima pripovjedao s tugom, a o ratnim – vedro i nasmijano. Pjesnik Branko Ćopić je pretežno epski pisac, i to pisac sa urođenim darom pripovedača, vještog pejzažiste i duhovitog humoriste. Ali u njegovoj prirodi je isto tako vidna i jedna lirska žica, koja se nije pokazivala samo u opisima bosanskih pejzaža već i u portretisanju ljudskih likova koji su mu bili bliski i dragi. U burnom vremenu narodnog ustanka iz te lirske niti Ćopićevog talenta potekla je njegova borbena lirska poezija. Sudbonosni događaju narodne revolucija nužno su odredili izraz i sadržaj ove lirike, koja zato i nosi naziv Ognjeno rađanje domovine. NotCommons-emblem-copyrighted.svg Postoji sumnja da ovaj članak ili njegov dio krše autorska prava, a time i politiku Wikipedije o radovima u javnom vlasništvu i GFDL licencu. Prilikom postavljanja ovog šablona obavezno treba navesti dokaze temeljem kojih se dokazuje kršenje aurotskih prava. Za više informacija pogledajte stranicu za razgovor članka. Dječiji pisac On se sa uspjehom ogledao i u stvaralaštvu za djecu. Sa živom maštom i darom za spretno uobličavanje svojih inspiracija, a uz to i odličan humorista, on je našoj dječjoj književnosti dao više dragocijenih priloga. Preko petnaest knjiga za djecu, među kojima su i dva romana, živi su dokaz njegove aktivnosti u ovoj književnoj oblasti. Jedna od najpoznatijih njegovih djela za djecu su svakako Magareće godine i Ježeva kućica.

Kosta KILIBARDA (Grahovo, 1942) Stvara u Herceg Novom. Ranjena ptica, 1985, drvo ugraviran potpis, godina nastanka, naziv dela, i posveta generalu Pavkovicu. 32,3 x 17,3 x 8,5 cm

visina 31 cm, fotografije visoke rezolucije detaljno prikazuju stanje i molim vas da detaljno pregledate predmet prodaje. koja vrsta drveta je , ne znam tacno ( figurina nije teska - nije ebanovina )