Beograd, 2010. Tvrd povez, 23 x 17 cm, 286 bogato ilustrovanih strana. Lepo očuvana knjiga. Knjiga „Uspomenar 212” Milana Cacija Mihailovića donosi anegdote, priloge sa proba, predstava, premijera, gostovanja, i iz nezaobilaznog bifea Ateljea 212. Upravo toliko sakupio je tokom višegodišnjeg glumačkog rada. A umesto predgovora u svojoj knjizi „Uspomenar 212” napisao samo jednu rečenicu: „Aplauz za sve one koji su u meni ostavili svoj trag.” Zapisivao je Mihailović anegdote na tekstu, na kutiji od šibica, džepnim kalendarima, ličnoj karti, salveti... U svojim zapisima pominje celu jednu generaciju. Miru Trailović, Taška Načić, Milutina Butkovića, Ljubišu Bačića, Ljubu Moljca, Zorana Radmilovića... Mihiza, Pekića, Ratkovića, Mucija Draškića... Glumci, anegdote...

Zidna dekoracija motivi Grčke u personalizovanom jedinstvenom ramu rađenom po meri. Zidna dekoracija su deo mog nekadašnjeg uređenja doma te verujem da će i vama doneti motivaciju za putovanjima i otkrivanjem sveta kao što je i meni. Slike u personalizovanom ramu su spremne da postanu zidna dekoracija odmah. U odličnom su stanju dimenzija 37x28cm sa staklom. Ukoliko Vam se čini da bi neki drugi motivi bolje se uklopili u Vaš dom, možete upotrebiti samo ram. Na slici je već postojeća kuka za kačenje na zid. Pojedinačna cena slike: 1200 dinara! Grupna cena za 6 slika po dogovoru + POKLON SLIKA sa motivom Ajfelovog tornja u personalizovanom ramu sa paspartuom dimenzije 43 x 48cm

61997) LENI KRAVIC neka ljubav vlada , Dejvid Ric , Laguna Beograd 2022 , Autobiografija koju su preporučili urednici časopisa: Essence, Vanity Fair, Time, New York Post, New York Times, Rolling Stone, People, Men`s Health, Interview. „Svoju priču vidim kao skup pesama povezan čarobnom vezom.“ Neka ljubav vlada čudesna je priča o odrastanju u nesvakidašnjoj porodici i potrazi za sopstvenim glasom. Leni Kravic se osvrće na svoj život sa iskrenošću, samokritikom i humorom. „Moj život se sastoji od suprotnosti“, piše on. „Crno i belo. Judaizam i hrišćanstvo. Džekson 5 i Led Cepelin. Prihvatio sam svoju dušu Blizanca. Voleo sam te suprotnosti. Jin i jang su se mešali u različitim delovima mog srca i uma, dajući mi ravnotežu i podstičući moju radoznalost i opuštenost.“ Od Aper Ist sajda na Menhetnu, Bedford Stajvesanta u Bruklinu, Boldvin hilsa i Beverli hilsa u Los Anđelesu, do Francuske, Engleske i Nemačke pratimo priču o izuzetno kreativnom klincu koji zbog brojnih teškoća u školi i porodici traži spas u muzici i izrasta u vrsnog muzičara, vrhunskog tekstopisca, producenta i izvođača. Ali otkrivamo i drugu stranu njegovog života, način na koji se duhovno menjao i koji je bitno uticao na njegovu muziku i odluke da odbije više nego privlačne diskografske ugovore dok ne pronađe sopstveni muzički izraz. Stvaranje umetnika koji je proglasio „Neka ljubav vlada“ samo je srce ove priče. mek povez, format 13 x 20 cm , latinica

1,5 x 1,3 x 0,8 cm bronza samo srbija ovaj predmet ne saljem u inostranstvo serbia only I do not send this item abroad Prošle izložbe (Muzej Africke umetnosti) 16. februar 2011. - 20. avgust 2011. AUTOR IZLOŽBE I KATALOGA Marija Ličina, kustos MAU Na izložbi je prikazano više od 500 tegova za merenje zlatnog praha iz zbirke Muzeja afričke umetnosti, preko 200 tegova iz zbirke Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja u Ljubljani, primeri iz privatnih kolekcija. Pored tegova, izložba uključuje i prateće predmete kao što su vage, kutije i kašike za zlatni prah. Tegovi naroda Akan jedinstveni su u svetu po svojim oblicima - predstavljaju ljude (ratnike, vračeve, lovce...), životinje (ptice,krokodili, antilope...), biljke (kikiriki, cvetove palmi, patlidžane...), predmete (bubnjeve, sandale, topove...), i brojne druge figurativne i geometrijske motive. Koliko privlače svojim oblicima, kao umetničke forme u bronzi, dimenzija od tek nekoliko santimentara, akanski tegovi jednako su značajni kao svedočanstva o prirodnom bogatstvu zlata u Zapadnoj Africi. Njima je meren zlatni prah, koji je imao ulogu novca u Gani i Obali Slonovače kod naroda Akan od 15. sve do kraja 19. veka, u svakodnevnim aktivnostima - na tržnicama, u kraljevskim trezorima zlata i za naplate državnih taksi i poreza. Izložba „Tegovi za merenje zlatnog praha naroda Akan“, autorke Marije Ličine, predstavila je značaj koji su u globalnoj istoriji imali bogata nalazišta zlata, trgovinski i kulturni kontakti na prostoru Zapadne Afrike. Kroz izložbu, posetioci uče o prometu zlata od afričke obale Mediterana do Gvinejskog zaliva (u periodu od 10. do 19. veka), pustinjskim karavanima i evropskim flotama u pohodu ka akanskim zlatonosnim poljima, o običajima cenkanja do „poslednjeg zrna zlata“, boji plamena za tegove-skulpture u bronzi i drugim temama vezanim za istoriju i kulturu naroda Akan. Izuzetnost zbirke tegova Muzeja afričke umetnosti u Beogradu, sa više od 500 originalnih predmeta, kao i zbirka Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja sa više od 200 tegova koji su po prvi put biti predstavljeni javnosti, poslužili su kao polazište za obradu nekoliko temata: AFRIČKO ZLATO U STAROM SVETU transsaharska trgovina zlatom, od 10. do 16. veka ZLATNI PRAH KAO NOVAC I JEDINICE TEŽINE: proizvodnja i promet zlata u „zlatnim kraljevstvima“ Gane, od 15. do 19. veka; kulturni kontakti i razmena između afričkih, arapskih i evropskih civilizacija AMBLEMI TRADICIJE I DRUŠTVENIH VREDNOSTI motivi tegova kao ilustracije poslovica i izreka POUKE NA TEGOVIMA ZA MERENJE ZLATNOG PRAHA Kao i oblici, i značenja koja su tegovi-skulpture imali različita su: mnogi asociraju mudre pouke iz poslovica i narodnih priča, čuvaju sećanja na bitke, mitove i legende, ili predstavljaju određene simbole. Navodimo neke od akanskih poslovica: Lud je onaj ko puši i nosi bačvu sa barutom na glavi! Između ključa i brave, jedan je stariji - mora postojati vođa, čak i među jednakima. Ne treba ti veliki štap da slomiješ petlu vrat - kaže se za moćnog čoveka koji nepotrebno zlostavlja siromašnog i nezaštićenog. Snaga palmovog drveta je u njegovim granama - kraljeva moć leži u broju njegovih podanika. ---- ovaj teg nije bio na izlozbi u MAU ----- ---------------------------------------- Akan goldweights, (locally known as mrammou), are weights made of brass used as a measuring system by the Akan people of West Africa, particularly for wei and fair-trade arrangements with one another. The status of a man increased significantly if he owned a complete set of weights. Complete small sets of weights were gifts to newly wedded men. This insured that he would be able to enter the merchant trade respectably and successfully. Beyond their practical application, the weights are miniature representations of West African culture items such as adinkra symbols, plants, animals and people. Stylistic studies of goldweights can provide relative dates into the two broad early and late periods. The Early period is thought to have been from about 1400–1720 AD, with some overlap with the Late period, 1700-1900 AD. There is a distinct difference between the Early and Late periods. Geometric weights are the oldest forms, dating from 1400 AD onwards while figurative weights, those made in the image of people, animals, building etc., first appear around 1600 AD. Radiocarbon dating, a standard and accurate method in many disciplines, cannot be used to date the weights, as it is an inorganic material. The base components of inorganic materials, such as metals, formed long before the manufacturing of the artifact.The copper and zinc used to make the alloy are exponentially older than the artifact itself. Studies on the quality or origins of the base metals in brass are not very useful due to the broad distribution and recycling of the material. Studying the weight`s cultural background or provenance is an accurate method of dating the weights. Historical records accompanying the weight describing the people to whom it belonged to, as well as a comparative study of the weights and oral and artistic traditions of neighbouring communities should be part of studying the background and provenance of the weights. Scholars use the weights, and the oral traditions behind the weights, to understand aspects of Akan culture that otherwise may have been lost. The weights represent stories, riddles, and code of conducts that helped guide Akan peoples in the ways they live their lives. Central to Akan culture is the concern for equality and justice; it is rich in oral histories on this subject. Many weights symbolize significant and well-known stories. The weights were part of the Akan`s cultural reinforcement, expressing personal behaviour codes, beliefs, and values in a medium that was assembled by many people. Anthony Appiah describes[2] how his mother, who collected goldweights, was visited by Muslim Hausa traders from the north. The goldweights they brought were `sold by people who had no use for them any more, now that paper and coin had replaced gold-dust as currency. And as she collected them, she heard more and more of the folklore that went with them; the proverbs that every figurative gold-weight elicited; the folk-tales, Ananseasem, that the proverbs evoked.` Appiah also heard these Ananseasem, Anansi stories, from his father, and writes: `Between his stories and the cultural messages that came with the gold-weights, we gathered the sort of sense of a cultural tradition that comes from growing up in it. For us it was not Asante tradition but the webwork of our lives.` There are a number of parallels between Akan goldweights and the seals used in Harappa. Both artifacts stabilized and secured regional and local trade between peoples, while they took on further meaning beyond their practical uses. Shields are symbols of bravery, stamina, or a glorious deed, though not necessarily in battle. Double-edged swords symbolize a joint rule between female and male, rather than implying violence or rule with fear. The naming of the weights is incredibly complex, as a complete list of Akan weights had more than sixty values, and each set had a local name that varied regionally. There are, from studies done by Garrard, twelve weight-name lists from Ghana and the Ivory Coast. Some estimate that there are 3 million goldweights in existence. Simon Fraser University has a small collection, consisting mostly of geometric style weights, with a number of human figurative weights. Both types are pictured here and come from the SFU Museum of Archaeology and Ethnography. Many of the largest museums of in the US and Europe have sizable collections of goldweights. The National Museum of Ghana, the Musée des Civilisations de Côte d`Ivoire in Abidjan, Derby Museum and smaller museums in Mali all have collections of weights with a range of dates. Private collections have amassed a wide range of weights as well. In the past, each weight was meticulously carved, then cast using the ancient technique of lost wax. As the Akan culture moved away from using gold as the basis of their economy, the weights lost their cultural day-to-day use and some of their significance. Their popularity with tourists has created a market that the locals fill with mass-produced weights. These modern reproductions of the weights have become a tourist favorite. Rather than the simple but artistic facial features of the anthropomorphic weights or the clean, smooth lines of the geomorphic weights, modern weights are unrefined and mass-produced look. The strong oral tradition of the Akan is not included in the creation of the weights; however, this does not seem to lessen their popularity. The skill involved in casting weights was enormous; as most weights were less than 2½ ounces and their exact mass was meticulously measured. They were a standard of measure to be used in trade, and had to be accurate. The goldsmith, or adwumfo, would make adjustments if the casting weighed too much or too little. Even the most beautiful, figurative weights had limbs and horns removed, or edges filed down until it met the closest weight equivalent. Weights that were not heavy enough would have small lead rings or glass beads attached to bring up the weight to the desired standard. There are far more weights without modifications than not, speaking to the talent of the goldsmiths. Most weights were within 3% of their theoretical value; this variance is similar to those of European nest weights from the same time. Early weights display bold, but simple, artistic designs. Later weights developed into beautiful works of art with fine details. However, by the 1890s (Late Period) the quality of both design and material was very poor, and the abandonment of the weights quickly followed. Tim Garrard (April 28, 1943 – May 17, 2007) studied the Akan gold culture. His research was centered on goldweights and their cultural significances and purposes. He was also interested in the gold trade, the creation of the weight measurements, and how Akan trade networks operated with other networks. His works and those that use his work as a base are very informative about broader Akan culture. The weights pictured here are part of the collection at the SFU museum. Donated to the museum in the late 1970s, they are part of a wide collection of African cultural pieces.

bili Ajdol Igrati sa sobom Str 413 Povez mek Stanje knjige dobro, ima posvetu O knjizi Od pankera u londonskom bendu Generation X do mejnstrim megazvezde MTV-ja, Bili Ajdol ostaje do današnjeg dana legenda rokenrola. Ovo je uzbudljivo i iskreno svedočanstvo o njegovom putu ka slavi. U svojim memoarima legendarna superzvezda Bili Ajdol pripoveda nam pravu priču koja se krije iza seksa, droge i rokenrola. Igrati sa sobom obuhvata događaje i ljude koji su uticali na njegov život, muziku i karijeru, uključujući njegovo detinjstvo u Engleskoj i SAD, godinu provedenu na Univerzitetu Saseksa, članstvo u Bromlijevskom kontigentu, vremenu koje je proveo sa Seks pistolsima, u sastavima Siouxsie and the Banshees, Chelsea i Generation X, pa sve do vrhunca pank-pop revolucije kada je doživeo slavu. Bili Ajdol se posvetio i svojoj solo karijeri, koja je uključivala saradnju sa Stivom Stivensom i, konačno, video-spotove koji se smatraju među najuticajnijim na MTV-ju ikada. U knjizi Igrati sa sobom Bili Ajdol iznosi detalje iz svog života punog uspona i padova sa svojim nekonformističkim stavom po kojem je prepoznatljiv. Igrati sa sobom je zabavno i zanimljivo svedočanstvo o kreativnoj energiji jednog čoveka. „Beznadežno sam podeljen između tame i dobrote, buntovnika i sveca, seksualnog manijaka i monaha, pesnika i propovednika, demagoga i populiste. Sve u svemu, sve sam zapisao, iskreno, od srca. Izložio sam se potpuno, zato čuvajte mi leđa.“ Bili Ajdol „O tome vam govorim… Od svih memoara Igrati sa sobom su jedini koji su u meni probudili zavist – zbog kojih sam poželeo da budem Bili Ajdol na pet minuta… Pravi je romantik, piše nekim uzbudljivim novinarskim stilom o svojim pank-rok korenima u Londonu… a onda se zaljubljuje u Ameriku.“ Džejms Parker, The New York Times Book Review

U dobrom stanju Publisher ‏ : ‎ Palgrave Macmillan; 1st ed. (J1982) Language ‏ : ‎ English Paperback ‏ : ‎ 232 pages ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 1349051829 ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-1349051823 Item weight ‏ : ‎ 306 g Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 14 x 1.37 x 21.59 cm This book discusses the importance of music-hall to the development of English drama, and many music-hall acts are analysed, a number with reference to the responses of the audience before whom they were recorded. The different but related dramatic techniques of epic drama and the music-hall tradition are considered with reference to the work of T.S. Eliot, Thornton Wilder, Beckett, Osborne, Arden, Pinter, Albee, Griffiths and Nichols. Finally, the phenomenon of abusing the audience is discussed, particular reference being made to Handke`s `Offending the Audience` and the Royal Shakespeare Company`s **** Peter Hobley Davison OBE (10 September 1926 – 16 August 2022) was a British professor of English and an authority on the life and works of George Orwell. Born in Newcastle upon Tyne on 10 September 1926, he worked in the Crown Film Unit and served in the Navy during the Second World War. He gained his bachelor`s degree through correspondence and also had a master`s degree in bibliography and palaeography. After time as a Fellow at the Shakespeare Institute, a lecturer at the University of Sydney, and as lecturer and senior lecturer at Birmingham University, he was appointed Professor of English at Saint David`s University College (later University of Wales Trinity Saint David) and then at the University of Kent, De Montfort University, Leicester. He was later an emeritus professor of English at Glyndŵr University. *** `There is no wholly acceptable term to describe the two kinds of theatrical experience with which I am concerned. Between the Licensing Act of 1737 and the Theatre Regulation Act of 1843, which ended the monopoly of the Patent Theatres (Drury Lane, Covent Garden and, to a limited extent, the Haymarket, in London), it was technically correct to speak of the Legitimate and Illegitimate Stage- as Planche characterises them in The Drama`s Levee (1838). The terms would have been understood long after that date and, in the theatre, the expression `to go legit.`, as Marie Lloyd did for a very brief period, is still to be heard. What is more, it would still be understood today in American theatre. Apart from the inaccuracy of using these terms before 1737, it was often very difficult in practice to distinguish the kinds of drama so categorised between 1737 and 1843, except at their extremes. Much that was put on at the Surrey would have been at home at Drury Lane, just as, two centuries earlier, The Winter`s Tale (1610) could be performed at the Globe and the Blackfriars- public (i.e. open-to-the-skies) and private (i.e. enclosed) theatres, respectively. However, that the different traditions were clearly understood as such is plain from Planche`s extravaganzas (see pp. 158-64). Despite the uncertainty of scholars, there seems no doubt that the distinction was also understood by Shakespeare, though his terminology is different. When Polonius describes to Hamlet the players who are visiting Elsinore he says, `Seneca cannot be too heavy, nor Plautus too light. For the law of writ and the liberty, these are the only men` (n.ii.376-8) `

modni kreator dizajner dizajn design tasne torbe cipele sandale odeca obuca garderoba tvrdi povez, str. 151, dim. 17 x 24,5 cm Philipp Patrick Plein (b. 1978 in Munich) is a German fashion designer whose designs have incorporated a laughing skull which has become his signature. Upon completion of the Gymnasium Schloss Salem boarding school on Lake Constance, he studied at the Friedrich-Alexander University in Erlangen law. Plein`s strong interest in art, architecture and foreign cultures was shaped early in life through the extensive travels of his family, providing exposure as a child to the world`s most important museums and cultural exhibits. In 1998 he entered the world of design with exclusive furnishings initially created for family and friends. In the same year he also founded his own furniture company with 20.000 DM which he inherited from his grandfather. Primarily focusing on designs based on stainless steel and leather in crocodile look. From the leftovers of the furniture production the young designer started to create leather bags and accessories since he didn`t want to waste any material and started to sell them along with his furniture collection at trade fairs. After two years of selling furniture he gave up is law studies to concentrate on his own company. Philipp Plein had his final breakthrough in 2003 when he started to design a lounge at the German trade fair CPD Düsseldorf for Moët & Chandon in return for his work he was allowed to sell his fashion collection at the trade fair. According to the designer he `sold bags for over 100.000€ in one day“. In 2004 he launched his first fashion collection dedicated to men, women and children. The highlight of his first collections were vintage military jackets which he embroidered Swarovski skulls and sold them at the Maison et Objet in Paris which took place at the same time as the Prêt-à-Porter tradefair thus allowing him to promote his fashion collection since the city was full of fashion people. With the launch of his first fashion collection in 2004 Philipp Plein also created the PHILIPP PLEIN brand which still persists as of today. In 2006 the accessories line was introduced and in 2008 the `Couture` collection which is also was launched, supported by an ad campaign starring Naomi Campbell and Marcus Schenkenberg. In 2008 Philipp Plein presented his `heavy metal` collection on the occasion of `Germany`s Next Top Model` fashion show presented in Barcelona by Heidi Klum.In 2009 he collaborated with Mattel and presented the PHILIPP PLEIN Barbie doll during Barbie`s 50th Birthday celebrations at the Nuremberg Toy Fair on 4 February 2009. In the same year, the first mono-brand store was opened in Monte Carlo, and the first commercial showroom in Milan. In 2010 PHILIPP PLEIN boutiques opened in Vienna, Moscow, St. Tropez, Cannes, and Kitzbuhel in addition to the opening of a commercial showroom in Düsseldorf. In June 2010 the fall/winter ad campaign was unveiled starring the American actress Mischa Barton. In 2011 PHILIPP PLEIN boutiques opened in Forte dei Marmi and Düsseldorf, and the Hong Kong showroom was inaugurated. In September 2011 Lindsay Lohan was announced as the face of the new spring/summer 2012 ad campaign, which was shot several days later on the shores of Lake Como amongst crowds of fans and paparazzi. In 2012, 10 PHILIPP PLEIN boutiques were opened, in Marbella, Moscow Crocus, Baku, Milan, Dubai, St. Petersburg, Seoul, Macau, Amsterdam and Berlin.The British actor and singer Ed Westwick was the next celebrity to lend his image to the brand. Westwick was photographed by the internationally acclaimed photographer Terry Richardson, who also made cameo appearances himself in the fall/winter 2012/2013 campaign. Westwick also walked the runway for the men`s spring/summer 2013 fashion show. In 2012 PHILIPP PLEIN signed an agreement with the soccer team AS Roma to dress the team players starting with the 2012/13 season for 4 consecutive seasons.For the spring/summer 2013 campaign, Terry Richardson returns as both photographer and protagonist of a provocative campaign featuring the international top models Lea T. and Poppy Delevingne. For the fall/winter 2013/2014 women`s show Philipp Plein chose Grace Jones, to introduce his fashion show with a live performance of her hit `I`ve Seen That Face Before` Singer Iggy Azalea took over the stage to open Philipp Plein SS14 fashion show with a performance of `work`, leading the way for a show of black-only models closed by Ethiopian supermodel Liya Kebede, a poignant move given the recently debated racism in the fashion industry.

MODNI KREATOR PHILIPP PLEIN DESIGN GARDEROBA ODECA OBUCA FASHION tvrdi poves, str. 191, dim. 29 x 22 cm Philipp Patrick Plein (b. 1978 in Munich) is a German fashion designer whose designs have incorporated a laughing skull which has become his signature. Upon completion of the Gymnasium Schloss Salem boarding school on Lake Constance, he studied at the Friedrich-Alexander University in Erlangen law. Plein`s strong interest in art, architecture and foreign cultures was shaped early in life through the extensive travels of his family, providing exposure as a child to the world`s most important museums and cultural exhibits. In 1998 he entered the world of design with exclusive furnishings initially created for family and friends. In the same year he also founded his own furniture company with 20.000 DM which he inherited from his grandfather. Primarily focusing on designs based on stainless steel and leather in crocodile look. From the leftovers of the furniture production the young designer started to create leather bags and accessories since he didn`t want to waste any material and started to sell them along with his furniture collection at trade fairs. After two years of selling furniture he gave up is law studies to concentrate on his own company. Philipp Plein had his final breakthrough in 2003 when he started to design a lounge at the German trade fair CPD Düsseldorf for Moët & Chandon in return for his work he was allowed to sell his fashion collection at the trade fair. According to the designer he `sold bags for over 100.000€ in one day“. In 2004 he launched his first fashion collection dedicated to men, women and children. The highlight of his first collections were vintage military jackets which he embroidered Swarovski skulls and sold them at the Maison et Objet in Paris which took place at the same time as the Prêt-à-Porter tradefair thus allowing him to promote his fashion collection since the city was full of fashion people. With the launch of his first fashion collection in 2004 Philipp Plein also created the PHILIPP PLEIN brand which still persists as of today. In 2006 the accessories line was introduced and in 2008 the `Couture` collection which is also was launched, supported by an ad campaign starring Naomi Campbell and Marcus Schenkenberg. In 2008 Philipp Plein presented his `heavy metal` collection on the occasion of `Germany`s Next Top Model` fashion show presented in Barcelona by Heidi Klum.In 2009 he collaborated with Mattel and presented the PHILIPP PLEIN Barbie doll during Barbie`s 50th Birthday celebrations at the Nuremberg Toy Fair on 4 February 2009. In the same year, the first mono-brand store was opened in Monte Carlo, and the first commercial showroom in Milan. In 2010 PHILIPP PLEIN boutiques opened in Vienna, Moscow, St. Tropez, Cannes, and Kitzbuhel in addition to the opening of a commercial showroom in Düsseldorf. In June 2010 the fall/winter ad campaign was unveiled starring the American actress Mischa Barton. In 2011 PHILIPP PLEIN boutiques opened in Forte dei Marmi and Düsseldorf, and the Hong Kong showroom was inaugurated. In September 2011 Lindsay Lohan was announced as the face of the new spring/summer 2012 ad campaign, which was shot several days later on the shores of Lake Como amongst crowds of fans and paparazzi. In 2012, 10 PHILIPP PLEIN boutiques were opened, in Marbella, Moscow Crocus, Baku, Milan, Dubai, St. Petersburg, Seoul, Macau, Amsterdam and Berlin.The British actor and singer Ed Westwick was the next celebrity to lend his image to the brand. Westwick was photographed by the internationally acclaimed photographer Terry Richardson, who also made cameo appearances himself in the fall/winter 2012/2013 campaign. Westwick also walked the runway for the men`s spring/summer 2013 fashion show. In 2012 PHILIPP PLEIN signed an agreement with the soccer team AS Roma to dress the team players starting with the 2012/13 season for 4 consecutive seasons.For the spring/summer 2013 campaign, Terry Richardson returns as both photographer and protagonist of a provocative campaign featuring the international top models Lea T. and Poppy Delevingne. For the fall/winter 2013/2014 women`s show Philipp Plein chose Grace Jones, to introduce his fashion show with a live performance of her hit `I`ve Seen That Face Before` Singer Iggy Azalea took over the stage to open Philipp Plein SS14 fashion show with a performance of `work`, leading the way for a show of black-only models closed by Ethiopian supermodel Liya Kebede, a poignant move given the recently debated racism in the fashion industry.

Izdavač:SLUŽBENI GLASNIK Beograd Godina: 2011 Broj strana:998 Povez:Tvrd sa omotom Pismo:Ćirilica Dimenzije knjige:21 x 14 cm Odlično očuvana knjiga, bez skrivenih mana i oštećenja,za očuvanost pogledajte slike u visokoj rezoluciji,na svako dodatno pitanje u vezi knjige rado ću vam odgovoriti ! Lirska istorija muzike - od Pitagore do Baha III Kolja Mićević(autor) Izdavač: Službeni glasnik ...nije ni enciklopedija, ni neki muzički rečniku-džbenik, iako su elementi i jednog i drugog pristupa prisutni u konačnom obliku kako sada izgleda ta Lirska istorija muzike. Prvi tom obuhvata razdoblje od Pitagore, izumitelja intervala i monokorda, do 1750, godine smrti Johana Sebastijana Baha. Taj ogromni vremenski raspon podeljen je na četiri celine, u četiri knjige, a svaka celina je označena tempom jednog od četiri stavka klasične simfonije. Iako su odvojeni naslovima, ti stavci su suštinski povezani, kao što je uostalom slučaj i sa stavcima u klasičnoj simfoniji, iako je u svakoj celini način tretiranja tema različit. Da se čitalac ne bi uspavao tokom 3.000 strana koliko ga čeka! Rad je bio posebno dinamičan poslednje dve decenije tokom kojih je iz zaborava izišlo mnoštvo značajnih kompozitora i dela, o kojima u trenutno dostupnim muzičkim istorijama često ne možete naći nikakve podatke, a kojima je kod mene posvećeno i po nekoliko stranica! Što se tiče odrednice “lirska”, ona zaista zaslužuje objašnjenje, koje ću dati u kratkom predgovoru, kao i povodom nekih drugih termina i podataka. Svakako, kad se na srpskom kaže “lirska”, misli se na “poetska” ili “pesnička”, I to je zaista jedno od značenja koje mi odgovara, iako ova dva epiteta mogu da ostave utisak izvesne površnosti ili neobaveznosti u autorovom pristupu, što uopšte nije slučaj! Francuski pridev lyrique, kada stoji uz reč poezija, označava onu poeziju koja je propraćena muzikom, koja je, dakle, bila pevana! I tako je bilo tokom ta dva milenijuma, od Pitagore do Baha! Muzika i Poezija, kako kaže jedan od mojih kompozitora, Lucasko Lucaski, iz Ferare i XVI stoleća, bile su dve sestre, i to je slika koju želim da sugerišem naslovom i koju detaljno i s primerima razvijam u sva četiri stavka svoje Istorije! Tu mi je moje prevodilačko iskustvo, posebno Dantea, bilo od presudne pomoći, ali ne samo on... Autor

Izdavač:SLUŽBENI GLASNIK Beograd Godina: 2011 Broj strana:998 Povez:Tvrd sa omotom Pismo:Ćirilica Dimenzije knjige:21 x 14 cm Odlično očuvana knjiga, bez skrivenih mana i oštećenja,za očuvanost pogledajte slike u visokoj rezoluciji,na svako dodatno pitanje u vezi knjige rado ću vam odgovoriti ! Lirska istorija muzike - od Pitagore do Baha I Kolja Mićević(autor) Izdavač: Službeni glasnik ...nije ni enciklopedija, ni neki muzički rečniku-džbenik, iako su elementi i jednog i drugog pristupa prisutni u konačnom obliku kako sada izgleda ta Lirska istorija muzike. Prvi tom obuhvata razdoblje od Pitagore, izumitelja intervala i monokorda, do 1750, godine smrti Johana Sebastijana Baha. Taj ogromni vremenski raspon podeljen je na četiri celine, u četiri knjige, a svaka celina je označena tempom jednog od četiri stavka klasične simfonije. Iako su odvojeni naslovima, ti stavci su suštinski povezani, kao što je uostalom slučaj i sa stavcima u klasičnoj simfoniji, iako je u svakoj celini način tretiranja tema različit. Da se čitalac ne bi uspavao tokom 3.000 strana koliko ga čeka! Rad je bio posebno dinamičan poslednje dve decenije tokom kojih je iz zaborava izišlo mnoštvo značajnih kompozitora i dela, o kojima u trenutno dostupnim muzičkim istorijama često ne možete naći nikakve podatke, a kojima je kod mene posvećeno i po nekoliko stranica! Što se tiče odrednice “lirska”, ona zaista zaslužuje objašnjenje, koje ću dati u kratkom predgovoru, kao i povodom nekih drugih termina i podataka. Svakako, kad se na srpskom kaže “lirska”, misli se na “poetska” ili “pesnička”, I to je zaista jedno od značenja koje mi odgovara, iako ova dva epiteta mogu da ostave utisak izvesne površnosti ili neobaveznosti u autorovom pristupu, što uopšte nije slučaj! Francuski pridev lyrique, kada stoji uz reč poezija, označava onu poeziju koja je propraćena muzikom, koja je, dakle, bila pevana! I tako je bilo tokom ta dva milenijuma, od Pitagore do Baha! Muzika i Poezija, kako kaže jedan od mojih kompozitora, Lucasko Lucaski, iz Ferare i XVI stoleća, bile su dve sestre, i to je slika koju želim da sugerišem naslovom i koju detaljno i s primerima razvijam u sva četiri stavka svoje Istorije! Tu mi je moje prevodilačko iskustvo, posebno Dantea, bilo od presudne pomoći, ali ne samo on... Autor

Anton Heyboer: GRAFIKA, 1990. Na otisku dole levo: Anton Heyboer 1990 Ispod otiska dole levo: Anton Heyboer (olovkom) Dole desno: eigen druk (vlastiti, autorski otisak) Dimenzije rama: 40 x 42 cm Dimenzije otiska: 21 x 25,5 cm Težina: 1270 g Nov ram, antirefleksno staklo. Hartija je mestimično uzdužno izgužvana, kao da je nepažljivo presavijana - vidljivo je na posebnoj slici, pod kosim svetlom. ANTON HEYBOER (Anton Hejbur, 1924-2005) je rođen na indonežanskom ostrvu Java. U svom životu Heyboer je doslovno proglašavan ludim, živeo je kao ekscentrik bez kontakta sa svetom oko sebe, u sopstvenom kosmosu, s ciljem da zadovolji samo osnovne životne potrebe za sebe i svoju porodicu. Visoko ga cene vodeći muzeji širom sveta. 1943. godine Heyboer je uhapšen od strane nemačkih okupatora i upućen na rad u logor Prenz Lauerber. Jednom je o tome napisao: „Koncentracioni logor nije bio gori od roditeljskog doma, a društvo za mene nije ništa gore od oba: previše nekreativan”. Od ranog detinjstva, Heyboer je želeo da živi nekonformističkim životom. Posle rata nastanio se u Borgeru, gde počinje da crta, još uvek u tradicionalnom stilu. 1948. godine upoznaje slikara Jana Kagija sa kojim nekoliko meseci luta Francuskom dok crta i slika. 1951. godine Heyboer je dobrovoljno primljen u Pokrajinsku bolnicu u Santpoortu na neko vreme, kako bi našao zaštitu od društva, za koje je smatrao da mu ne dozvoljava da pronađe sebe. Anton Heyboer godinama je radio na razvoju svog `Sistema`. Ovaj `Sistem` je njegova zamisao kako treba da živi, da opstane u društvu i da stekne priznanje kao umetnik. Tako može da poništi svoju poziciju izopćenika i ološa koja je dovela do njegove izolacije. “Sistem” je njegovo umetničko delo, to je njegov znak. Sistem je polazna tačka u svim njegovim delima pod motom: „Stvaranje je jedino živo biće koje je večno“. Njegov sistem ga vodi do njegovih nevesta: „Hajde da napravimo svoje igralište gde niko drugi neće doći, gde više ne moramo da viđamo ljude. Na svojoj farmi, u pratnji svoje četiri neveste, Heyboer stalno traži nove izazove u svom poslu. U njegovim radovima dominiraju slike sladostrasnih žena sa preteranim oblinama, njegovog čamca na kojem je živeo neko vreme 1951. godine, njegovog života na farmi i biblijskih figura pomešanih sa slikama koje podsećaju na praistorijska vremena. Heyboer koristi različite tehnike u stvaranju svojih umetničkih dela. Njegovi bakropisi su poznati, ali i njegovi crteži rađeni ugljem, uljanom kredom, bojom, glinom, gvožđem i katranom, kao i bojama na papiru i platnu. To su danas cenjena dela koja se nalaze u mnogim zbirkama : „Tražio sam formu u kojoj život postaje umetnost, u kojoj postaje napet i gde postaje težak; gde nema rešenja i tako uvek postoji nestabilna ravnoteža. U umetničkim delima takođe nema direktne statičke ravnoteže, to nije lepota. Na taj način dobijate i nestabilnu ravnotežu sa muškarcem i četiri žene, u kojoj preovladava ista lepota kao u umetničkom delu”. Njegovi radovi su učinili Heyboera međunarodno priznatim umetnikom, čija dela stoje u muzejima širom sveta. Kraljica Beatriks, koja je svojevremeno organizovala izložbu Heyboerovih dela, nagradila ga je 2002. godine viteškim zvanjem. U usamljenosti, odsečen od spoljašnjeg sveta, svojim radom i načinom života na kraju je dospeo do ljudi. Izvor: kunsthuizen.nl/kunstenaars/anton-heyboer/ (118/2-kp/1183)

70 x 47 cm otisak 52 x 37 cm urolana verovatno sa ploce SPC ovo je REPRINT (1980-90) original - bakrorez iz 1770 Zaharije Stefanović Orfelin (Vukovar, 1726 — Novi Sad, 19. januar 1785) je bio istaknuti srpski pesnik, istoričar, bakrorezac, barokni prosvetitelj, graver, kaligraf i pisac udžbenika. Rođen je u srpskoj porodici u Vukovaru 1726. godine, u periodu posle Bečkog rata 1683-1699. Otac mu se zvao Jovan. Kao pesnik, Orfelin je najznačajnija pojava u srpskoj poeziji 18. veka. Napisao je desetak dužih pesama, od kojih je najznačajnija Plač Serbiji (Plač Srbije, 1761) u dve verzije, narodnoj i crkvenoslovenskoj. To je antiaustrijska, buntovnička pesma. U toj pesmi Srbija žali za nekadašnjim sjajem srednjovekovne države i kritikuje sunarodnike koji zaboravljaju svoj nacionalni identitet. Odlomak: Kako stade Serbija, slavna i ugodna, sa množestvom naroda bivša prođe plodna, presilnima careva i hrabri soldati. Slavni moji carevi i voždi veliki, s mojih hrabri vitezi i sini toliki. Vostok, zapad, polunoć bojali se mene, slavne, hrabre Serbije, bivše togda jedne. Među najznačajnija Orfelinova dela ubraja se „Slavenoserbski magazin“ štampan u Veneciji 1768. Zamišljen je kao časopis, odnosno to je prvi časopis na čitavom slovenskom jugu. Izašao je samo jedan broj. U predgovoru u vidu manifesta Orfelin iznosi osnovnu ideju građanske prosvećenosti, ideju demokratizacije kulture, da nauka treba da služi potrebama običnog čoveka, a književnost i filozofija da izađu iz uskog kruga učenih ljudi i da postanu dostupni svima. To je prva srpska svetovna i građansko-prosvetiteljska knjiga. Godine 1768. Zaharije Orfelin je proklamativno u srpski književni jezik uveo mešavinu crkvenoslovenskog i narodnog jezika, u kojoj je uvek bilo mesta i za specifične ruske reči i time praktično osnovao slavenosrpski jezik. Jovan Deretić ga smatra, uz Jovana Rajića, najznačajnijim piscem ruskoslovenske epohe u srpskoj književnosti. Zaharije Orfelin je autor prvog srpskog bukvara iz 1767. po kojem su učile brojne generacije dece. Drugo izdanje bilo je 1797. Autor je i prvih udžbenika latinskog jezika. Njegovo najopsežnije delo je „Žitije Petra Velikog“ (Venecija, 1772.) u kome je video prosvećenog monarha, filozofski ideal 18. veka. Napisao je i prvi srpski „Večiti kalendar“ 1780, štampan u Beču 1783, gde uz standardne kalendarske podatke daje i obimno poglavlje o astronomiji. Zapazio je veliki značaj lekovitog bilja i napisao (nedovršenu) knjigu „Veliki srpski travnik“ u kojoj je obradio oko 500 biljaka, stavljajući uz svaku latinski i narodni naziv. Osim toga za svaku biljku je naveo „polza i upotreblenije“ sa podacima o lekovitim dejstvima i terapijama, tj. kako se ta biljka može korisno upotrebiti, što je bilo uobičajeno za to vreme u Evropi, a prvi put kod Srba. Njegova knjiga Iskusni podrumar (Beč, 1783.) ima nekoliko stotina recepata za spravljanje travnih vina i mnogih drugih alkoholnih i bezalkoholnih napitaka i lekova. U knjizi se govori i o načinu i vremenu berbe i sušenja lekovitog bilja i o korisnosti i lekovitoj vrednosti složenih preparata izrađenih od više od 200 domaćih i egzotičnih lekovitih i mirisnih biljaka. Pišući o receptima za proizvodnju vina, Zaharije Orfelin navodi i recepturu za izradu bermeta koja se razlikovala od kuće do kuće. Bermet je desertno vino, slatkog ukusa, sa različitim dodacima lekovitog i začinskog bilja. Zaharije je dao recept koji se odomaćio sa raznim modifikacija po Fruškoj gori.I ona je prva knjiga ovakve vrste na srpskom jeziku. Tek sto godina kasnije (1883) Srpski arhiv za celokupno lekarstvo štampao je kao posebno izdanje Lekovito bilje u Srbiji od dr Save Petrovića. Bio je uspešan kao slikar, kaligraf i bakrorezac, uradio je više dela u bakrorezu. Jedno od njih predstavlja Svetog Savu. 70-ih godina 18. veka izabran je za počasnog člana Umetničke akademije u Beču. Umro je 19. januara 1785. godine u Novom Sadu, na Sajlovu. Sahranjen je pri crkvi Sv. Jovana Preteče.

piramida 1,5 x 1 x 1,1 cm bronza samo srbija ovaj predmet ne saljem u inostranstvo serbia only I do not send this item abroad Prošle izložbe (Muzej Africke umetnosti) 16. februar 2011. - 20. avgust 2011. AUTOR IZLOŽBE I KATALOGA Marija Ličina, kustos MAU Na izložbi je prikazano više od 500 tegova za merenje zlatnog praha iz zbirke Muzeja afričke umetnosti, preko 200 tegova iz zbirke Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja u Ljubljani, primeri iz privatnih kolekcija. Pored tegova, izložba uključuje i prateće predmete kao što su vage, kutije i kašike za zlatni prah. Tegovi naroda Akan jedinstveni su u svetu po svojim oblicima - predstavljaju ljude (ratnike, vračeve, lovce...), životinje (ptice,krokodili, antilope...), biljke (kikiriki, cvetove palmi, patlidžane...), predmete (bubnjeve, sandale, topove...), i brojne druge figurativne i geometrijske motive. Koliko privlače svojim oblicima, kao umetničke forme u bronzi, dimenzija od tek nekoliko santimentara, akanski tegovi jednako su značajni kao svedočanstva o prirodnom bogatstvu zlata u Zapadnoj Africi. Njima je meren zlatni prah, koji je imao ulogu novca u Gani i Obali Slonovače kod naroda Akan od 15. sve do kraja 19. veka, u svakodnevnim aktivnostima - na tržnicama, u kraljevskim trezorima zlata i za naplate državnih taksi i poreza. Izložba „Tegovi za merenje zlatnog praha naroda Akan“, autorke Marije Ličine, predstavila je značaj koji su u globalnoj istoriji imali bogata nalazišta zlata, trgovinski i kulturni kontakti na prostoru Zapadne Afrike. Kroz izložbu, posetioci uče o prometu zlata od afričke obale Mediterana do Gvinejskog zaliva (u periodu od 10. do 19. veka), pustinjskim karavanima i evropskim flotama u pohodu ka akanskim zlatonosnim poljima, o običajima cenkanja do „poslednjeg zrna zlata“, boji plamena za tegove-skulpture u bronzi i drugim temama vezanim za istoriju i kulturu naroda Akan. Izuzetnost zbirke tegova Muzeja afričke umetnosti u Beogradu, sa više od 500 originalnih predmeta, kao i zbirka Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja sa više od 200 tegova koji su po prvi put biti predstavljeni javnosti, poslužili su kao polazište za obradu nekoliko temata: AFRIČKO ZLATO U STAROM SVETU transsaharska trgovina zlatom, od 10. do 16. veka ZLATNI PRAH KAO NOVAC I JEDINICE TEŽINE: proizvodnja i promet zlata u „zlatnim kraljevstvima“ Gane, od 15. do 19. veka; kulturni kontakti i razmena između afričkih, arapskih i evropskih civilizacija AMBLEMI TRADICIJE I DRUŠTVENIH VREDNOSTI motivi tegova kao ilustracije poslovica i izreka POUKE NA TEGOVIMA ZA MERENJE ZLATNOG PRAHA Kao i oblici, i značenja koja su tegovi-skulpture imali različita su: mnogi asociraju mudre pouke iz poslovica i narodnih priča, čuvaju sećanja na bitke, mitove i legende, ili predstavljaju određene simbole. Navodimo neke od akanskih poslovica: Lud je onaj ko puši i nosi bačvu sa barutom na glavi! Između ključa i brave, jedan je stariji - mora postojati vođa, čak i među jednakima. Ne treba ti veliki štap da slomiješ petlu vrat - kaže se za moćnog čoveka koji nepotrebno zlostavlja siromašnog i nezaštićenog. Snaga palmovog drveta je u njegovim granama - kraljeva moć leži u broju njegovih podanika. ---- ovaj teg nije bio na izlozbi u MAU ----- ---------------------------------------- Akan goldweights, (locally known as mrammou), are weights made of brass used as a measuring system by the Akan people of West Africa, particularly for wei and fair-trade arrangements with one another. The status of a man increased significantly if he owned a complete set of weights. Complete small sets of weights were gifts to newly wedded men. This insured that he would be able to enter the merchant trade respectably and successfully. Beyond their practical application, the weights are miniature representations of West African culture items such as adinkra symbols, plants, animals and people. Stylistic studies of goldweights can provide relative dates into the two broad early and late periods. The Early period is thought to have been from about 1400–1720 AD, with some overlap with the Late period, 1700-1900 AD. There is a distinct difference between the Early and Late periods. Geometric weights are the oldest forms, dating from 1400 AD onwards while figurative weights, those made in the image of people, animals, building etc., first appear around 1600 AD. Radiocarbon dating, a standard and accurate method in many disciplines, cannot be used to date the weights, as it is an inorganic material. The base components of inorganic materials, such as metals, formed long before the manufacturing of the artifact.The copper and zinc used to make the alloy are exponentially older than the artifact itself. Studies on the quality or origins of the base metals in brass are not very useful due to the broad distribution and recycling of the material. Studying the weight`s cultural background or provenance is an accurate method of dating the weights. Historical records accompanying the weight describing the people to whom it belonged to, as well as a comparative study of the weights and oral and artistic traditions of neighbouring communities should be part of studying the background and provenance of the weights. Scholars use the weights, and the oral traditions behind the weights, to understand aspects of Akan culture that otherwise may have been lost. The weights represent stories, riddles, and code of conducts that helped guide Akan peoples in the ways they live their lives. Central to Akan culture is the concern for equality and justice; it is rich in oral histories on this subject. Many weights symbolize significant and well-known stories. The weights were part of the Akan`s cultural reinforcement, expressing personal behaviour codes, beliefs, and values in a medium that was assembled by many people. Anthony Appiah describes[2] how his mother, who collected goldweights, was visited by Muslim Hausa traders from the north. The goldweights they brought were `sold by people who had no use for them any more, now that paper and coin had replaced gold-dust as currency. And as she collected them, she heard more and more of the folklore that went with them; the proverbs that every figurative gold-weight elicited; the folk-tales, Ananseasem, that the proverbs evoked.` Appiah also heard these Ananseasem, Anansi stories, from his father, and writes: `Between his stories and the cultural messages that came with the gold-weights, we gathered the sort of sense of a cultural tradition that comes from growing up in it. For us it was not Asante tradition but the webwork of our lives.` There are a number of parallels between Akan goldweights and the seals used in Harappa. Both artifacts stabilized and secured regional and local trade between peoples, while they took on further meaning beyond their practical uses. Shields are symbols of bravery, stamina, or a glorious deed, though not necessarily in battle. Double-edged swords symbolize a joint rule between female and male, rather than implying violence or rule with fear. The naming of the weights is incredibly complex, as a complete list of Akan weights had more than sixty values, and each set had a local name that varied regionally. There are, from studies done by Garrard, twelve weight-name lists from Ghana and the Ivory Coast. Some estimate that there are 3 million goldweights in existence. Simon Fraser University has a small collection, consisting mostly of geometric style weights, with a number of human figurative weights. Both types are pictured here and come from the SFU Museum of Archaeology and Ethnography. Many of the largest museums of in the US and Europe have sizable collections of goldweights. The National Museum of Ghana, the Musée des Civilisations de Côte d`Ivoire in Abidjan, Derby Museum and smaller museums in Mali all have collections of weights with a range of dates. Private collections have amassed a wide range of weights as well. In the past, each weight was meticulously carved, then cast using the ancient technique of lost wax. As the Akan culture moved away from using gold as the basis of their economy, the weights lost their cultural day-to-day use and some of their significance. Their popularity with tourists has created a market that the locals fill with mass-produced weights. These modern reproductions of the weights have become a tourist favorite. Rather than the simple but artistic facial features of the anthropomorphic weights or the clean, smooth lines of the geomorphic weights, modern weights are unrefined and mass-produced look. The strong oral tradition of the Akan is not included in the creation of the weights; however, this does not seem to lessen their popularity. The skill involved in casting weights was enormous; as most weights were less than 2½ ounces and their exact mass was meticulously measured. They were a standard of measure to be used in trade, and had to be accurate. The goldsmith, or adwumfo, would make adjustments if the casting weighed too much or too little. Even the most beautiful, figurative weights had limbs and horns removed, or edges filed down until it met the closest weight equivalent. Weights that were not heavy enough would have small lead rings or glass beads attached to bring up the weight to the desired standard. There are far more weights without modifications than not, speaking to the talent of the goldsmiths. Most weights were within 3% of their theoretical value; this variance is similar to those of European nest weights from the same time. Early weights display bold, but simple, artistic designs. Later weights developed into beautiful works of art with fine details. However, by the 1890s (Late Period) the quality of both design and material was very poor, and the abandonment of the weights quickly followed. Tim Garrard (April 28, 1943 – May 17, 2007) studied the Akan gold culture. His research was centered on goldweights and their cultural significances and purposes. He was also interested in the gold trade, the creation of the weight measurements, and how Akan trade networks operated with other networks. His works and those that use his work as a base are very informative about broader Akan culture. The weights pictured here are part of the collection at the SFU museum. Donated to the museum in the late 1970s, they are part of a wide collection of African cultural pieces.

1,2 x 1,2 x 0.5 cm bronza samo srbija ovaj predmet ne saljem u inostranstvo serbia only I do not send this item abroad Prošle izložbe (Muzej Africke umetnosti) 16. februar 2011. - 20. avgust 2011. AUTOR IZLOŽBE I KATALOGA Marija Ličina, kustos MAU Na izložbi je prikazano više od 500 tegova za merenje zlatnog praha iz zbirke Muzeja afričke umetnosti, preko 200 tegova iz zbirke Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja u Ljubljani, primeri iz privatnih kolekcija. Pored tegova, izložba uključuje i prateće predmete kao što su vage, kutije i kašike za zlatni prah. Tegovi naroda Akan jedinstveni su u svetu po svojim oblicima - predstavljaju ljude (ratnike, vračeve, lovce...), životinje (ptice,krokodili, antilope...), biljke (kikiriki, cvetove palmi, patlidžane...), predmete (bubnjeve, sandale, topove...), i brojne druge figurativne i geometrijske motive. Koliko privlače svojim oblicima, kao umetničke forme u bronzi, dimenzija od tek nekoliko santimentara, akanski tegovi jednako su značajni kao svedočanstva o prirodnom bogatstvu zlata u Zapadnoj Africi. Njima je meren zlatni prah, koji je imao ulogu novca u Gani i Obali Slonovače kod naroda Akan od 15. sve do kraja 19. veka, u svakodnevnim aktivnostima - na tržnicama, u kraljevskim trezorima zlata i za naplate državnih taksi i poreza. Izložba „Tegovi za merenje zlatnog praha naroda Akan“, autorke Marije Ličine, predstavila je značaj koji su u globalnoj istoriji imali bogata nalazišta zlata, trgovinski i kulturni kontakti na prostoru Zapadne Afrike. Kroz izložbu, posetioci uče o prometu zlata od afričke obale Mediterana do Gvinejskog zaliva (u periodu od 10. do 19. veka), pustinjskim karavanima i evropskim flotama u pohodu ka akanskim zlatonosnim poljima, o običajima cenkanja do „poslednjeg zrna zlata“, boji plamena za tegove-skulpture u bronzi i drugim temama vezanim za istoriju i kulturu naroda Akan. Izuzetnost zbirke tegova Muzeja afričke umetnosti u Beogradu, sa više od 500 originalnih predmeta, kao i zbirka Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja sa više od 200 tegova koji su po prvi put biti predstavljeni javnosti, poslužili su kao polazište za obradu nekoliko temata: AFRIČKO ZLATO U STAROM SVETU transsaharska trgovina zlatom, od 10. do 16. veka ZLATNI PRAH KAO NOVAC I JEDINICE TEŽINE: proizvodnja i promet zlata u „zlatnim kraljevstvima“ Gane, od 15. do 19. veka; kulturni kontakti i razmena između afričkih, arapskih i evropskih civilizacija AMBLEMI TRADICIJE I DRUŠTVENIH VREDNOSTI motivi tegova kao ilustracije poslovica i izreka POUKE NA TEGOVIMA ZA MERENJE ZLATNOG PRAHA Kao i oblici, i značenja koja su tegovi-skulpture imali različita su: mnogi asociraju mudre pouke iz poslovica i narodnih priča, čuvaju sećanja na bitke, mitove i legende, ili predstavljaju određene simbole. Navodimo neke od akanskih poslovica: Lud je onaj ko puši i nosi bačvu sa barutom na glavi! Između ključa i brave, jedan je stariji - mora postojati vođa, čak i među jednakima. Ne treba ti veliki štap da slomiješ petlu vrat - kaže se za moćnog čoveka koji nepotrebno zlostavlja siromašnog i nezaštićenog. Snaga palmovog drveta je u njegovim granama - kraljeva moć leži u broju njegovih podanika. ---- ovaj teg nije bio na izlozbi u MAU ----- ---------------------------------------- Akan goldweights, (locally known as mrammou), are weights made of brass used as a measuring system by the Akan people of West Africa, particularly for wei and fair-trade arrangements with one another. The status of a man increased significantly if he owned a complete set of weights. Complete small sets of weights were gifts to newly wedded men. This insured that he would be able to enter the merchant trade respectably and successfully. Beyond their practical application, the weights are miniature representations of West African culture items such as adinkra symbols, plants, animals and people. Stylistic studies of goldweights can provide relative dates into the two broad early and late periods. The Early period is thought to have been from about 1400–1720 AD, with some overlap with the Late period, 1700-1900 AD. There is a distinct difference between the Early and Late periods. Geometric weights are the oldest forms, dating from 1400 AD onwards while figurative weights, those made in the image of people, animals, building etc., first appear around 1600 AD. Radiocarbon dating, a standard and accurate method in many disciplines, cannot be used to date the weights, as it is an inorganic material. The base components of inorganic materials, such as metals, formed long before the manufacturing of the artifact.The copper and zinc used to make the alloy are exponentially older than the artifact itself. Studies on the quality or origins of the base metals in brass are not very useful due to the broad distribution and recycling of the material. Studying the weight`s cultural background or provenance is an accurate method of dating the weights. Historical records accompanying the weight describing the people to whom it belonged to, as well as a comparative study of the weights and oral and artistic traditions of neighbouring communities should be part of studying the background and provenance of the weights. Scholars use the weights, and the oral traditions behind the weights, to understand aspects of Akan culture that otherwise may have been lost. The weights represent stories, riddles, and code of conducts that helped guide Akan peoples in the ways they live their lives. Central to Akan culture is the concern for equality and justice; it is rich in oral histories on this subject. Many weights symbolize significant and well-known stories. The weights were part of the Akan`s cultural reinforcement, expressing personal behaviour codes, beliefs, and values in a medium that was assembled by many people. Anthony Appiah describes[2] how his mother, who collected goldweights, was visited by Muslim Hausa traders from the north. The goldweights they brought were `sold by people who had no use for them any more, now that paper and coin had replaced gold-dust as currency. And as she collected them, she heard more and more of the folklore that went with them; the proverbs that every figurative gold-weight elicited; the folk-tales, Ananseasem, that the proverbs evoked.` Appiah also heard these Ananseasem, Anansi stories, from his father, and writes: `Between his stories and the cultural messages that came with the gold-weights, we gathered the sort of sense of a cultural tradition that comes from growing up in it. For us it was not Asante tradition but the webwork of our lives.` There are a number of parallels between Akan goldweights and the seals used in Harappa. Both artifacts stabilized and secured regional and local trade between peoples, while they took on further meaning beyond their practical uses. Shields are symbols of bravery, stamina, or a glorious deed, though not necessarily in battle. Double-edged swords symbolize a joint rule between female and male, rather than implying violence or rule with fear. The naming of the weights is incredibly complex, as a complete list of Akan weights had more than sixty values, and each set had a local name that varied regionally. There are, from studies done by Garrard, twelve weight-name lists from Ghana and the Ivory Coast. Some estimate that there are 3 million goldweights in existence. Simon Fraser University has a small collection, consisting mostly of geometric style weights, with a number of human figurative weights. Both types are pictured here and come from the SFU Museum of Archaeology and Ethnography. Many of the largest museums of in the US and Europe have sizable collections of goldweights. The National Museum of Ghana, the Musée des Civilisations de Côte d`Ivoire in Abidjan, Derby Museum and smaller museums in Mali all have collections of weights with a range of dates. Private collections have amassed a wide range of weights as well. In the past, each weight was meticulously carved, then cast using the ancient technique of lost wax. As the Akan culture moved away from using gold as the basis of their economy, the weights lost their cultural day-to-day use and some of their significance. Their popularity with tourists has created a market that the locals fill with mass-produced weights. These modern reproductions of the weights have become a tourist favorite. Rather than the simple but artistic facial features of the anthropomorphic weights or the clean, smooth lines of the geomorphic weights, modern weights are unrefined and mass-produced look. The strong oral tradition of the Akan is not included in the creation of the weights; however, this does not seem to lessen their popularity. The skill involved in casting weights was enormous; as most weights were less than 2½ ounces and their exact mass was meticulously measured. They were a standard of measure to be used in trade, and had to be accurate. The goldsmith, or adwumfo, would make adjustments if the casting weighed too much or too little. Even the most beautiful, figurative weights had limbs and horns removed, or edges filed down until it met the closest weight equivalent. Weights that were not heavy enough would have small lead rings or glass beads attached to bring up the weight to the desired standard. There are far more weights without modifications than not, speaking to the talent of the goldsmiths. Most weights were within 3% of their theoretical value; this variance is similar to those of European nest weights from the same time. Early weights display bold, but simple, artistic designs. Later weights developed into beautiful works of art with fine details. However, by the 1890s (Late Period) the quality of both design and material was very poor, and the abandonment of the weights quickly followed. Tim Garrard (April 28, 1943 – May 17, 2007) studied the Akan gold culture. His research was centered on goldweights and their cultural significances and purposes. He was also interested in the gold trade, the creation of the weight measurements, and how Akan trade networks operated with other networks. His works and those that use his work as a base are very informative about broader Akan culture. The weights pictured here are part of the collection at the SFU museum. Donated to the museum in the late 1970s, they are part of a wide collection of African cultural pieces.

1,6 x 1 x 0,5 cm bronza samo srbija ovaj predmet ne saljem u inostranstvo serbia only I do not send this item abroad Prošle izložbe (Muzej Africke umetnosti) 16. februar 2011. - 20. avgust 2011. AUTOR IZLOŽBE I KATALOGA Marija Ličina, kustos MAU Na izložbi je prikazano više od 500 tegova za merenje zlatnog praha iz zbirke Muzeja afričke umetnosti, preko 200 tegova iz zbirke Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja u Ljubljani, primeri iz privatnih kolekcija. Pored tegova, izložba uključuje i prateće predmete kao što su vage, kutije i kašike za zlatni prah. Tegovi naroda Akan jedinstveni su u svetu po svojim oblicima - predstavljaju ljude (ratnike, vračeve, lovce...), životinje (ptice,krokodili, antilope...), biljke (kikiriki, cvetove palmi, patlidžane...), predmete (bubnjeve, sandale, topove...), i brojne druge figurativne i geometrijske motive. Koliko privlače svojim oblicima, kao umetničke forme u bronzi, dimenzija od tek nekoliko santimentara, akanski tegovi jednako su značajni kao svedočanstva o prirodnom bogatstvu zlata u Zapadnoj Africi. Njima je meren zlatni prah, koji je imao ulogu novca u Gani i Obali Slonovače kod naroda Akan od 15. sve do kraja 19. veka, u svakodnevnim aktivnostima - na tržnicama, u kraljevskim trezorima zlata i za naplate državnih taksi i poreza. Izložba „Tegovi za merenje zlatnog praha naroda Akan“, autorke Marije Ličine, predstavila je značaj koji su u globalnoj istoriji imali bogata nalazišta zlata, trgovinski i kulturni kontakti na prostoru Zapadne Afrike. Kroz izložbu, posetioci uče o prometu zlata od afričke obale Mediterana do Gvinejskog zaliva (u periodu od 10. do 19. veka), pustinjskim karavanima i evropskim flotama u pohodu ka akanskim zlatonosnim poljima, o običajima cenkanja do „poslednjeg zrna zlata“, boji plamena za tegove-skulpture u bronzi i drugim temama vezanim za istoriju i kulturu naroda Akan. Izuzetnost zbirke tegova Muzeja afričke umetnosti u Beogradu, sa više od 500 originalnih predmeta, kao i zbirka Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja sa više od 200 tegova koji su po prvi put biti predstavljeni javnosti, poslužili su kao polazište za obradu nekoliko temata: AFRIČKO ZLATO U STAROM SVETU transsaharska trgovina zlatom, od 10. do 16. veka ZLATNI PRAH KAO NOVAC I JEDINICE TEŽINE: proizvodnja i promet zlata u „zlatnim kraljevstvima“ Gane, od 15. do 19. veka; kulturni kontakti i razmena između afričkih, arapskih i evropskih civilizacija AMBLEMI TRADICIJE I DRUŠTVENIH VREDNOSTI motivi tegova kao ilustracije poslovica i izreka POUKE NA TEGOVIMA ZA MERENJE ZLATNOG PRAHA Kao i oblici, i značenja koja su tegovi-skulpture imali različita su: mnogi asociraju mudre pouke iz poslovica i narodnih priča, čuvaju sećanja na bitke, mitove i legende, ili predstavljaju određene simbole. Navodimo neke od akanskih poslovica: Lud je onaj ko puši i nosi bačvu sa barutom na glavi! Između ključa i brave, jedan je stariji - mora postojati vođa, čak i među jednakima. Ne treba ti veliki štap da slomiješ petlu vrat - kaže se za moćnog čoveka koji nepotrebno zlostavlja siromašnog i nezaštićenog. Snaga palmovog drveta je u njegovim granama - kraljeva moć leži u broju njegovih podanika. ---- ovaj teg nije bio na izlozbi u MAU ----- ---------------------------------------- Akan goldweights, (locally known as mrammou), are weights made of brass used as a measuring system by the Akan people of West Africa, particularly for wei and fair-trade arrangements with one another. The status of a man increased significantly if he owned a complete set of weights. Complete small sets of weights were gifts to newly wedded men. This insured that he would be able to enter the merchant trade respectably and successfully. Beyond their practical application, the weights are miniature representations of West African culture items such as adinkra symbols, plants, animals and people. Stylistic studies of goldweights can provide relative dates into the two broad early and late periods. The Early period is thought to have been from about 1400–1720 AD, with some overlap with the Late period, 1700-1900 AD. There is a distinct difference between the Early and Late periods. Geometric weights are the oldest forms, dating from 1400 AD onwards while figurative weights, those made in the image of people, animals, building etc., first appear around 1600 AD. Radiocarbon dating, a standard and accurate method in many disciplines, cannot be used to date the weights, as it is an inorganic material. The base components of inorganic materials, such as metals, formed long before the manufacturing of the artifact.The copper and zinc used to make the alloy are exponentially older than the artifact itself. Studies on the quality or origins of the base metals in brass are not very useful due to the broad distribution and recycling of the material. Studying the weight`s cultural background or provenance is an accurate method of dating the weights. Historical records accompanying the weight describing the people to whom it belonged to, as well as a comparative study of the weights and oral and artistic traditions of neighbouring communities should be part of studying the background and provenance of the weights. Scholars use the weights, and the oral traditions behind the weights, to understand aspects of Akan culture that otherwise may have been lost. The weights represent stories, riddles, and code of conducts that helped guide Akan peoples in the ways they live their lives. Central to Akan culture is the concern for equality and justice; it is rich in oral histories on this subject. Many weights symbolize significant and well-known stories. The weights were part of the Akan`s cultural reinforcement, expressing personal behaviour codes, beliefs, and values in a medium that was assembled by many people. Anthony Appiah describes[2] how his mother, who collected goldweights, was visited by Muslim Hausa traders from the north. The goldweights they brought were `sold by people who had no use for them any more, now that paper and coin had replaced gold-dust as currency. And as she collected them, she heard more and more of the folklore that went with them; the proverbs that every figurative gold-weight elicited; the folk-tales, Ananseasem, that the proverbs evoked.` Appiah also heard these Ananseasem, Anansi stories, from his father, and writes: `Between his stories and the cultural messages that came with the gold-weights, we gathered the sort of sense of a cultural tradition that comes from growing up in it. For us it was not Asante tradition but the webwork of our lives.` There are a number of parallels between Akan goldweights and the seals used in Harappa. Both artifacts stabilized and secured regional and local trade between peoples, while they took on further meaning beyond their practical uses. Shields are symbols of bravery, stamina, or a glorious deed, though not necessarily in battle. Double-edged swords symbolize a joint rule between female and male, rather than implying violence or rule with fear. The naming of the weights is incredibly complex, as a complete list of Akan weights had more than sixty values, and each set had a local name that varied regionally. There are, from studies done by Garrard, twelve weight-name lists from Ghana and the Ivory Coast. Some estimate that there are 3 million goldweights in existence. Simon Fraser University has a small collection, consisting mostly of geometric style weights, with a number of human figurative weights. Both types are pictured here and come from the SFU Museum of Archaeology and Ethnography. Many of the largest museums of in the US and Europe have sizable collections of goldweights. The National Museum of Ghana, the Musée des Civilisations de Côte d`Ivoire in Abidjan, Derby Museum and smaller museums in Mali all have collections of weights with a range of dates. Private collections have amassed a wide range of weights as well. In the past, each weight was meticulously carved, then cast using the ancient technique of lost wax. As the Akan culture moved away from using gold as the basis of their economy, the weights lost their cultural day-to-day use and some of their significance. Their popularity with tourists has created a market that the locals fill with mass-produced weights. These modern reproductions of the weights have become a tourist favorite. Rather than the simple but artistic facial features of the anthropomorphic weights or the clean, smooth lines of the geomorphic weights, modern weights are unrefined and mass-produced look. The strong oral tradition of the Akan is not included in the creation of the weights; however, this does not seem to lessen their popularity. The skill involved in casting weights was enormous; as most weights were less than 2½ ounces and their exact mass was meticulously measured. They were a standard of measure to be used in trade, and had to be accurate. The goldsmith, or adwumfo, would make adjustments if the casting weighed too much or too little. Even the most beautiful, figurative weights had limbs and horns removed, or edges filed down until it met the closest weight equivalent. Weights that were not heavy enough would have small lead rings or glass beads attached to bring up the weight to the desired standard. There are far more weights without modifications than not, speaking to the talent of the goldsmiths. Most weights were within 3% of their theoretical value; this variance is similar to those of European nest weights from the same time. Early weights display bold, but simple, artistic designs. Later weights developed into beautiful works of art with fine details. However, by the 1890s (Late Period) the quality of both design and material was very poor, and the abandonment of the weights quickly followed. Tim Garrard (April 28, 1943 – May 17, 2007) studied the Akan gold culture. His research was centered on goldweights and their cultural significances and purposes. He was also interested in the gold trade, the creation of the weight measurements, and how Akan trade networks operated with other networks. His works and those that use his work as a base are very informative about broader Akan culture. The weights pictured here are part of the collection at the SFU museum. Donated to the museum in the late 1970s, they are part of a wide collection of African cultural pieces.

1,8 x 1 x 0,4 cm bronza samo srbija ovaj predmet ne saljem u inostranstvo serbia only I do not send this item abroad Prošle izložbe (Muzej Africke umetnosti) 16. februar 2011. - 20. avgust 2011. AUTOR IZLOŽBE I KATALOGA Marija Ličina, kustos MAU Na izložbi je prikazano više od 500 tegova za merenje zlatnog praha iz zbirke Muzeja afričke umetnosti, preko 200 tegova iz zbirke Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja u Ljubljani, primeri iz privatnih kolekcija. Pored tegova, izložba uključuje i prateće predmete kao što su vage, kutije i kašike za zlatni prah. Tegovi naroda Akan jedinstveni su u svetu po svojim oblicima - predstavljaju ljude (ratnike, vračeve, lovce...), životinje (ptice,krokodili, antilope...), biljke (kikiriki, cvetove palmi, patlidžane...), predmete (bubnjeve, sandale, topove...), i brojne druge figurativne i geometrijske motive. Koliko privlače svojim oblicima, kao umetničke forme u bronzi, dimenzija od tek nekoliko santimentara, akanski tegovi jednako su značajni kao svedočanstva o prirodnom bogatstvu zlata u Zapadnoj Africi. Njima je meren zlatni prah, koji je imao ulogu novca u Gani i Obali Slonovače kod naroda Akan od 15. sve do kraja 19. veka, u svakodnevnim aktivnostima - na tržnicama, u kraljevskim trezorima zlata i za naplate državnih taksi i poreza. Izložba „Tegovi za merenje zlatnog praha naroda Akan“, autorke Marije Ličine, predstavila je značaj koji su u globalnoj istoriji imali bogata nalazišta zlata, trgovinski i kulturni kontakti na prostoru Zapadne Afrike. Kroz izložbu, posetioci uče o prometu zlata od afričke obale Mediterana do Gvinejskog zaliva (u periodu od 10. do 19. veka), pustinjskim karavanima i evropskim flotama u pohodu ka akanskim zlatonosnim poljima, o običajima cenkanja do „poslednjeg zrna zlata“, boji plamena za tegove-skulpture u bronzi i drugim temama vezanim za istoriju i kulturu naroda Akan. Izuzetnost zbirke tegova Muzeja afričke umetnosti u Beogradu, sa više od 500 originalnih predmeta, kao i zbirka Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja sa više od 200 tegova koji su po prvi put biti predstavljeni javnosti, poslužili su kao polazište za obradu nekoliko temata: AFRIČKO ZLATO U STAROM SVETU transsaharska trgovina zlatom, od 10. do 16. veka ZLATNI PRAH KAO NOVAC I JEDINICE TEŽINE: proizvodnja i promet zlata u „zlatnim kraljevstvima“ Gane, od 15. do 19. veka; kulturni kontakti i razmena između afričkih, arapskih i evropskih civilizacija AMBLEMI TRADICIJE I DRUŠTVENIH VREDNOSTI motivi tegova kao ilustracije poslovica i izreka POUKE NA TEGOVIMA ZA MERENJE ZLATNOG PRAHA Kao i oblici, i značenja koja su tegovi-skulpture imali različita su: mnogi asociraju mudre pouke iz poslovica i narodnih priča, čuvaju sećanja na bitke, mitove i legende, ili predstavljaju određene simbole. Navodimo neke od akanskih poslovica: Lud je onaj ko puši i nosi bačvu sa barutom na glavi! Između ključa i brave, jedan je stariji - mora postojati vođa, čak i među jednakima. Ne treba ti veliki štap da slomiješ petlu vrat - kaže se za moćnog čoveka koji nepotrebno zlostavlja siromašnog i nezaštićenog. Snaga palmovog drveta je u njegovim granama - kraljeva moć leži u broju njegovih podanika. ---- ovaj teg nije bio na izlozbi u MAU ----- ---------------------------------------- Akan goldweights, (locally known as mrammou), are weights made of brass used as a measuring system by the Akan people of West Africa, particularly for wei and fair-trade arrangements with one another. The status of a man increased significantly if he owned a complete set of weights. Complete small sets of weights were gifts to newly wedded men. This insured that he would be able to enter the merchant trade respectably and successfully. Beyond their practical application, the weights are miniature representations of West African culture items such as adinkra symbols, plants, animals and people. Stylistic studies of goldweights can provide relative dates into the two broad early and late periods. The Early period is thought to have been from about 1400–1720 AD, with some overlap with the Late period, 1700-1900 AD. There is a distinct difference between the Early and Late periods. Geometric weights are the oldest forms, dating from 1400 AD onwards while figurative weights, those made in the image of people, animals, building etc., first appear around 1600 AD. Radiocarbon dating, a standard and accurate method in many disciplines, cannot be used to date the weights, as it is an inorganic material. The base components of inorganic materials, such as metals, formed long before the manufacturing of the artifact.The copper and zinc used to make the alloy are exponentially older than the artifact itself. Studies on the quality or origins of the base metals in brass are not very useful due to the broad distribution and recycling of the material. Studying the weight`s cultural background or provenance is an accurate method of dating the weights. Historical records accompanying the weight describing the people to whom it belonged to, as well as a comparative study of the weights and oral and artistic traditions of neighbouring communities should be part of studying the background and provenance of the weights. Scholars use the weights, and the oral traditions behind the weights, to understand aspects of Akan culture that otherwise may have been lost. The weights represent stories, riddles, and code of conducts that helped guide Akan peoples in the ways they live their lives. Central to Akan culture is the concern for equality and justice; it is rich in oral histories on this subject. Many weights symbolize significant and well-known stories. The weights were part of the Akan`s cultural reinforcement, expressing personal behaviour codes, beliefs, and values in a medium that was assembled by many people. Anthony Appiah describes[2] how his mother, who collected goldweights, was visited by Muslim Hausa traders from the north. The goldweights they brought were `sold by people who had no use for them any more, now that paper and coin had replaced gold-dust as currency. And as she collected them, she heard more and more of the folklore that went with them; the proverbs that every figurative gold-weight elicited; the folk-tales, Ananseasem, that the proverbs evoked.` Appiah also heard these Ananseasem, Anansi stories, from his father, and writes: `Between his stories and the cultural messages that came with the gold-weights, we gathered the sort of sense of a cultural tradition that comes from growing up in it. For us it was not Asante tradition but the webwork of our lives.` There are a number of parallels between Akan goldweights and the seals used in Harappa. Both artifacts stabilized and secured regional and local trade between peoples, while they took on further meaning beyond their practical uses. Shields are symbols of bravery, stamina, or a glorious deed, though not necessarily in battle. Double-edged swords symbolize a joint rule between female and male, rather than implying violence or rule with fear. The naming of the weights is incredibly complex, as a complete list of Akan weights had more than sixty values, and each set had a local name that varied regionally. There are, from studies done by Garrard, twelve weight-name lists from Ghana and the Ivory Coast. Some estimate that there are 3 million goldweights in existence. Simon Fraser University has a small collection, consisting mostly of geometric style weights, with a number of human figurative weights. Both types are pictured here and come from the SFU Museum of Archaeology and Ethnography. Many of the largest museums of in the US and Europe have sizable collections of goldweights. The National Museum of Ghana, the Musée des Civilisations de Côte d`Ivoire in Abidjan, Derby Museum and smaller museums in Mali all have collections of weights with a range of dates. Private collections have amassed a wide range of weights as well. In the past, each weight was meticulously carved, then cast using the ancient technique of lost wax. As the Akan culture moved away from using gold as the basis of their economy, the weights lost their cultural day-to-day use and some of their significance. Their popularity with tourists has created a market that the locals fill with mass-produced weights. These modern reproductions of the weights have become a tourist favorite. Rather than the simple but artistic facial features of the anthropomorphic weights or the clean, smooth lines of the geomorphic weights, modern weights are unrefined and mass-produced look. The strong oral tradition of the Akan is not included in the creation of the weights; however, this does not seem to lessen their popularity. The skill involved in casting weights was enormous; as most weights were less than 2½ ounces and their exact mass was meticulously measured. They were a standard of measure to be used in trade, and had to be accurate. The goldsmith, or adwumfo, would make adjustments if the casting weighed too much or too little. Even the most beautiful, figurative weights had limbs and horns removed, or edges filed down until it met the closest weight equivalent. Weights that were not heavy enough would have small lead rings or glass beads attached to bring up the weight to the desired standard. There are far more weights without modifications than not, speaking to the talent of the goldsmiths. Most weights were within 3% of their theoretical value; this variance is similar to those of European nest weights from the same time. Early weights display bold, but simple, artistic designs. Later weights developed into beautiful works of art with fine details. However, by the 1890s (Late Period) the quality of both design and material was very poor, and the abandonment of the weights quickly followed. Tim Garrard (April 28, 1943 – May 17, 2007) studied the Akan gold culture. His research was centered on goldweights and their cultural significances and purposes. He was also interested in the gold trade, the creation of the weight measurements, and how Akan trade networks operated with other networks. His works and those that use his work as a base are very informative about broader Akan culture. The weights pictured here are part of the collection at the SFU museum. Donated to the museum in the late 1970s, they are part of a wide collection of African cultural pieces.

2,3 x 1,3 x 0,3 cm bronza samo srbija ovaj predmet ne saljem u inostranstvo serbia only I do not send this item abroad Prošle izložbe (Muzej Africke umetnosti) 16. februar 2011. - 20. avgust 2011. AUTOR IZLOŽBE I KATALOGA Marija Ličina, kustos MAU Na izložbi je prikazano više od 500 tegova za merenje zlatnog praha iz zbirke Muzeja afričke umetnosti, preko 200 tegova iz zbirke Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja u Ljubljani, primeri iz privatnih kolekcija. Pored tegova, izložba uključuje i prateće predmete kao što su vage, kutije i kašike za zlatni prah. Tegovi naroda Akan jedinstveni su u svetu po svojim oblicima - predstavljaju ljude (ratnike, vračeve, lovce...), životinje (ptice,krokodili, antilope...), biljke (kikiriki, cvetove palmi, patlidžane...), predmete (bubnjeve, sandale, topove...), i brojne druge figurativne i geometrijske motive. Koliko privlače svojim oblicima, kao umetničke forme u bronzi, dimenzija od tek nekoliko santimentara, akanski tegovi jednako su značajni kao svedočanstva o prirodnom bogatstvu zlata u Zapadnoj Africi. Njima je meren zlatni prah, koji je imao ulogu novca u Gani i Obali Slonovače kod naroda Akan od 15. sve do kraja 19. veka, u svakodnevnim aktivnostima - na tržnicama, u kraljevskim trezorima zlata i za naplate državnih taksi i poreza. Izložba „Tegovi za merenje zlatnog praha naroda Akan“, autorke Marije Ličine, predstavila je značaj koji su u globalnoj istoriji imali bogata nalazišta zlata, trgovinski i kulturni kontakti na prostoru Zapadne Afrike. Kroz izložbu, posetioci uče o prometu zlata od afričke obale Mediterana do Gvinejskog zaliva (u periodu od 10. do 19. veka), pustinjskim karavanima i evropskim flotama u pohodu ka akanskim zlatonosnim poljima, o običajima cenkanja do „poslednjeg zrna zlata“, boji plamena za tegove-skulpture u bronzi i drugim temama vezanim za istoriju i kulturu naroda Akan. Izuzetnost zbirke tegova Muzeja afričke umetnosti u Beogradu, sa više od 500 originalnih predmeta, kao i zbirka Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja sa više od 200 tegova koji su po prvi put biti predstavljeni javnosti, poslužili su kao polazište za obradu nekoliko temata: AFRIČKO ZLATO U STAROM SVETU transsaharska trgovina zlatom, od 10. do 16. veka ZLATNI PRAH KAO NOVAC I JEDINICE TEŽINE: proizvodnja i promet zlata u „zlatnim kraljevstvima“ Gane, od 15. do 19. veka; kulturni kontakti i razmena između afričkih, arapskih i evropskih civilizacija AMBLEMI TRADICIJE I DRUŠTVENIH VREDNOSTI motivi tegova kao ilustracije poslovica i izreka POUKE NA TEGOVIMA ZA MERENJE ZLATNOG PRAHA Kao i oblici, i značenja koja su tegovi-skulpture imali različita su: mnogi asociraju mudre pouke iz poslovica i narodnih priča, čuvaju sećanja na bitke, mitove i legende, ili predstavljaju određene simbole. Navodimo neke od akanskih poslovica: Lud je onaj ko puši i nosi bačvu sa barutom na glavi! Između ključa i brave, jedan je stariji - mora postojati vođa, čak i među jednakima. Ne treba ti veliki štap da slomiješ petlu vrat - kaže se za moćnog čoveka koji nepotrebno zlostavlja siromašnog i nezaštićenog. Snaga palmovog drveta je u njegovim granama - kraljeva moć leži u broju njegovih podanika. ---- ovaj teg nije bio na izlozbi u MAU ----- ---------------------------------------- Akan goldweights, (locally known as mrammou), are weights made of brass used as a measuring system by the Akan people of West Africa, particularly for wei and fair-trade arrangements with one another. The status of a man increased significantly if he owned a complete set of weights. Complete small sets of weights were gifts to newly wedded men. This insured that he would be able to enter the merchant trade respectably and successfully. Beyond their practical application, the weights are miniature representations of West African culture items such as adinkra symbols, plants, animals and people. Stylistic studies of goldweights can provide relative dates into the two broad early and late periods. The Early period is thought to have been from about 1400–1720 AD, with some overlap with the Late period, 1700-1900 AD. There is a distinct difference between the Early and Late periods. Geometric weights are the oldest forms, dating from 1400 AD onwards while figurative weights, those made in the image of people, animals, building etc., first appear around 1600 AD. Radiocarbon dating, a standard and accurate method in many disciplines, cannot be used to date the weights, as it is an inorganic material. The base components of inorganic materials, such as metals, formed long before the manufacturing of the artifact.The copper and zinc used to make the alloy are exponentially older than the artifact itself. Studies on the quality or origins of the base metals in brass are not very useful due to the broad distribution and recycling of the material. Studying the weight`s cultural background or provenance is an accurate method of dating the weights. Historical records accompanying the weight describing the people to whom it belonged to, as well as a comparative study of the weights and oral and artistic traditions of neighbouring communities should be part of studying the background and provenance of the weights. Scholars use the weights, and the oral traditions behind the weights, to understand aspects of Akan culture that otherwise may have been lost. The weights represent stories, riddles, and code of conducts that helped guide Akan peoples in the ways they live their lives. Central to Akan culture is the concern for equality and justice; it is rich in oral histories on this subject. Many weights symbolize significant and well-known stories. The weights were part of the Akan`s cultural reinforcement, expressing personal behaviour codes, beliefs, and values in a medium that was assembled by many people. Anthony Appiah describes[2] how his mother, who collected goldweights, was visited by Muslim Hausa traders from the north. The goldweights they brought were `sold by people who had no use for them any more, now that paper and coin had replaced gold-dust as currency. And as she collected them, she heard more and more of the folklore that went with them; the proverbs that every figurative gold-weight elicited; the folk-tales, Ananseasem, that the proverbs evoked.` Appiah also heard these Ananseasem, Anansi stories, from his father, and writes: `Between his stories and the cultural messages that came with the gold-weights, we gathered the sort of sense of a cultural tradition that comes from growing up in it. For us it was not Asante tradition but the webwork of our lives.` There are a number of parallels between Akan goldweights and the seals used in Harappa. Both artifacts stabilized and secured regional and local trade between peoples, while they took on further meaning beyond their practical uses. Shields are symbols of bravery, stamina, or a glorious deed, though not necessarily in battle. Double-edged swords symbolize a joint rule between female and male, rather than implying violence or rule with fear. The naming of the weights is incredibly complex, as a complete list of Akan weights had more than sixty values, and each set had a local name that varied regionally. There are, from studies done by Garrard, twelve weight-name lists from Ghana and the Ivory Coast. Some estimate that there are 3 million goldweights in existence. Simon Fraser University has a small collection, consisting mostly of geometric style weights, with a number of human figurative weights. Both types are pictured here and come from the SFU Museum of Archaeology and Ethnography. Many of the largest museums of in the US and Europe have sizable collections of goldweights. The National Museum of Ghana, the Musée des Civilisations de Côte d`Ivoire in Abidjan, Derby Museum and smaller museums in Mali all have collections of weights with a range of dates. Private collections have amassed a wide range of weights as well. In the past, each weight was meticulously carved, then cast using the ancient technique of lost wax. As the Akan culture moved away from using gold as the basis of their economy, the weights lost their cultural day-to-day use and some of their significance. Their popularity with tourists has created a market that the locals fill with mass-produced weights. These modern reproductions of the weights have become a tourist favorite. Rather than the simple but artistic facial features of the anthropomorphic weights or the clean, smooth lines of the geomorphic weights, modern weights are unrefined and mass-produced look. The strong oral tradition of the Akan is not included in the creation of the weights; however, this does not seem to lessen their popularity. The skill involved in casting weights was enormous; as most weights were less than 2½ ounces and their exact mass was meticulously measured. They were a standard of measure to be used in trade, and had to be accurate. The goldsmith, or adwumfo, would make adjustments if the casting weighed too much or too little. Even the most beautiful, figurative weights had limbs and horns removed, or edges filed down until it met the closest weight equivalent. Weights that were not heavy enough would have small lead rings or glass beads attached to bring up the weight to the desired standard. There are far more weights without modifications than not, speaking to the talent of the goldsmiths. Most weights were within 3% of their theoretical value; this variance is similar to those of European nest weights from the same time. Early weights display bold, but simple, artistic designs. Later weights developed into beautiful works of art with fine details. However, by the 1890s (Late Period) the quality of both design and material was very poor, and the abandonment of the weights quickly followed. Tim Garrard (April 28, 1943 – May 17, 2007) studied the Akan gold culture. His research was centered on goldweights and their cultural significances and purposes. He was also interested in the gold trade, the creation of the weight measurements, and how Akan trade networks operated with other networks. His works and those that use his work as a base are very informative about broader Akan culture. The weights pictured here are part of the collection at the SFU museum. Donated to the museum in the late 1970s, they are part of a wide collection of African cultural pieces.

2 x 1,7 x 0,5 cm bronza samo srbija ovaj predmet ne saljem u inostranstvo serbia only I do not send this item abroad Prošle izložbe (Muzej Africke umetnosti) 16. februar 2011. - 20. avgust 2011. AUTOR IZLOŽBE I KATALOGA Marija Ličina, kustos MAU Na izložbi je prikazano više od 500 tegova za merenje zlatnog praha iz zbirke Muzeja afričke umetnosti, preko 200 tegova iz zbirke Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja u Ljubljani, primeri iz privatnih kolekcija. Pored tegova, izložba uključuje i prateće predmete kao što su vage, kutije i kašike za zlatni prah. Tegovi naroda Akan jedinstveni su u svetu po svojim oblicima - predstavljaju ljude (ratnike, vračeve, lovce...), životinje (ptice,krokodili, antilope...), biljke (kikiriki, cvetove palmi, patlidžane...), predmete (bubnjeve, sandale, topove...), i brojne druge figurativne i geometrijske motive. Koliko privlače svojim oblicima, kao umetničke forme u bronzi, dimenzija od tek nekoliko santimentara, akanski tegovi jednako su značajni kao svedočanstva o prirodnom bogatstvu zlata u Zapadnoj Africi. Njima je meren zlatni prah, koji je imao ulogu novca u Gani i Obali Slonovače kod naroda Akan od 15. sve do kraja 19. veka, u svakodnevnim aktivnostima - na tržnicama, u kraljevskim trezorima zlata i za naplate državnih taksi i poreza. Izložba „Tegovi za merenje zlatnog praha naroda Akan“, autorke Marije Ličine, predstavila je značaj koji su u globalnoj istoriji imali bogata nalazišta zlata, trgovinski i kulturni kontakti na prostoru Zapadne Afrike. Kroz izložbu, posetioci uče o prometu zlata od afričke obale Mediterana do Gvinejskog zaliva (u periodu od 10. do 19. veka), pustinjskim karavanima i evropskim flotama u pohodu ka akanskim zlatonosnim poljima, o običajima cenkanja do „poslednjeg zrna zlata“, boji plamena za tegove-skulpture u bronzi i drugim temama vezanim za istoriju i kulturu naroda Akan. Izuzetnost zbirke tegova Muzeja afričke umetnosti u Beogradu, sa više od 500 originalnih predmeta, kao i zbirka Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja sa više od 200 tegova koji su po prvi put biti predstavljeni javnosti, poslužili su kao polazište za obradu nekoliko temata: AFRIČKO ZLATO U STAROM SVETU transsaharska trgovina zlatom, od 10. do 16. veka ZLATNI PRAH KAO NOVAC I JEDINICE TEŽINE: proizvodnja i promet zlata u „zlatnim kraljevstvima“ Gane, od 15. do 19. veka; kulturni kontakti i razmena između afričkih, arapskih i evropskih civilizacija AMBLEMI TRADICIJE I DRUŠTVENIH VREDNOSTI motivi tegova kao ilustracije poslovica i izreka POUKE NA TEGOVIMA ZA MERENJE ZLATNOG PRAHA Kao i oblici, i značenja koja su tegovi-skulpture imali različita su: mnogi asociraju mudre pouke iz poslovica i narodnih priča, čuvaju sećanja na bitke, mitove i legende, ili predstavljaju određene simbole. Navodimo neke od akanskih poslovica: Lud je onaj ko puši i nosi bačvu sa barutom na glavi! Između ključa i brave, jedan je stariji - mora postojati vođa, čak i među jednakima. Ne treba ti veliki štap da slomiješ petlu vrat - kaže se za moćnog čoveka koji nepotrebno zlostavlja siromašnog i nezaštićenog. Snaga palmovog drveta je u njegovim granama - kraljeva moć leži u broju njegovih podanika. ---- ovaj teg nije bio na izlozbi u MAU ----- ---------------------------------------- Akan goldweights, (locally known as mrammou), are weights made of brass used as a measuring system by the Akan people of West Africa, particularly for wei and fair-trade arrangements with one another. The status of a man increased significantly if he owned a complete set of weights. Complete small sets of weights were gifts to newly wedded men. This insured that he would be able to enter the merchant trade respectably and successfully. Beyond their practical application, the weights are miniature representations of West African culture items such as adinkra symbols, plants, animals and people. Stylistic studies of goldweights can provide relative dates into the two broad early and late periods. The Early period is thought to have been from about 1400–1720 AD, with some overlap with the Late period, 1700-1900 AD. There is a distinct difference between the Early and Late periods. Geometric weights are the oldest forms, dating from 1400 AD onwards while figurative weights, those made in the image of people, animals, building etc., first appear around 1600 AD. Radiocarbon dating, a standard and accurate method in many disciplines, cannot be used to date the weights, as it is an inorganic material. The base components of inorganic materials, such as metals, formed long before the manufacturing of the artifact.The copper and zinc used to make the alloy are exponentially older than the artifact itself. Studies on the quality or origins of the base metals in brass are not very useful due to the broad distribution and recycling of the material. Studying the weight`s cultural background or provenance is an accurate method of dating the weights. Historical records accompanying the weight describing the people to whom it belonged to, as well as a comparative study of the weights and oral and artistic traditions of neighbouring communities should be part of studying the background and provenance of the weights. Scholars use the weights, and the oral traditions behind the weights, to understand aspects of Akan culture that otherwise may have been lost. The weights represent stories, riddles, and code of conducts that helped guide Akan peoples in the ways they live their lives. Central to Akan culture is the concern for equality and justice; it is rich in oral histories on this subject. Many weights symbolize significant and well-known stories. The weights were part of the Akan`s cultural reinforcement, expressing personal behaviour codes, beliefs, and values in a medium that was assembled by many people. Anthony Appiah describes[2] how his mother, who collected goldweights, was visited by Muslim Hausa traders from the north. The goldweights they brought were `sold by people who had no use for them any more, now that paper and coin had replaced gold-dust as currency. And as she collected them, she heard more and more of the folklore that went with them; the proverbs that every figurative gold-weight elicited; the folk-tales, Ananseasem, that the proverbs evoked.` Appiah also heard these Ananseasem, Anansi stories, from his father, and writes: `Between his stories and the cultural messages that came with the gold-weights, we gathered the sort of sense of a cultural tradition that comes from growing up in it. For us it was not Asante tradition but the webwork of our lives.` There are a number of parallels between Akan goldweights and the seals used in Harappa. Both artifacts stabilized and secured regional and local trade between peoples, while they took on further meaning beyond their practical uses. Shields are symbols of bravery, stamina, or a glorious deed, though not necessarily in battle. Double-edged swords symbolize a joint rule between female and male, rather than implying violence or rule with fear. The naming of the weights is incredibly complex, as a complete list of Akan weights had more than sixty values, and each set had a local name that varied regionally. There are, from studies done by Garrard, twelve weight-name lists from Ghana and the Ivory Coast. Some estimate that there are 3 million goldweights in existence. Simon Fraser University has a small collection, consisting mostly of geometric style weights, with a number of human figurative weights. Both types are pictured here and come from the SFU Museum of Archaeology and Ethnography. Many of the largest museums of in the US and Europe have sizable collections of goldweights. The National Museum of Ghana, the Musée des Civilisations de Côte d`Ivoire in Abidjan, Derby Museum and smaller museums in Mali all have collections of weights with a range of dates. Private collections have amassed a wide range of weights as well. In the past, each weight was meticulously carved, then cast using the ancient technique of lost wax. As the Akan culture moved away from using gold as the basis of their economy, the weights lost their cultural day-to-day use and some of their significance. Their popularity with tourists has created a market that the locals fill with mass-produced weights. These modern reproductions of the weights have become a tourist favorite. Rather than the simple but artistic facial features of the anthropomorphic weights or the clean, smooth lines of the geomorphic weights, modern weights are unrefined and mass-produced look. The strong oral tradition of the Akan is not included in the creation of the weights; however, this does not seem to lessen their popularity. The skill involved in casting weights was enormous; as most weights were less than 2½ ounces and their exact mass was meticulously measured. They were a standard of measure to be used in trade, and had to be accurate. The goldsmith, or adwumfo, would make adjustments if the casting weighed too much or too little. Even the most beautiful, figurative weights had limbs and horns removed, or edges filed down until it met the closest weight equivalent. Weights that were not heavy enough would have small lead rings or glass beads attached to bring up the weight to the desired standard. There are far more weights without modifications than not, speaking to the talent of the goldsmiths. Most weights were within 3% of their theoretical value; this variance is similar to those of European nest weights from the same time. Early weights display bold, but simple, artistic designs. Later weights developed into beautiful works of art with fine details. However, by the 1890s (Late Period) the quality of both design and material was very poor, and the abandonment of the weights quickly followed. Tim Garrard (April 28, 1943 – May 17, 2007) studied the Akan gold culture. His research was centered on goldweights and their cultural significances and purposes. He was also interested in the gold trade, the creation of the weight measurements, and how Akan trade networks operated with other networks. His works and those that use his work as a base are very informative about broader Akan culture. The weights pictured here are part of the collection at the SFU museum. Donated to the museum in the late 1970s, they are part of a wide collection of African cultural pieces.

1,5 x 1 x 0,3 cm bronza samo srbija ovaj predmet ne saljem u inostranstvo serbia only I do not send this item abroad Prošle izložbe (Muzej Africke umetnosti) 16. februar 2011. - 20. avgust 2011. AUTOR IZLOŽBE I KATALOGA Marija Ličina, kustos MAU Na izložbi je prikazano više od 500 tegova za merenje zlatnog praha iz zbirke Muzeja afričke umetnosti, preko 200 tegova iz zbirke Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja u Ljubljani, primeri iz privatnih kolekcija. Pored tegova, izložba uključuje i prateće predmete kao što su vage, kutije i kašike za zlatni prah. Tegovi naroda Akan jedinstveni su u svetu po svojim oblicima - predstavljaju ljude (ratnike, vračeve, lovce...), životinje (ptice,krokodili, antilope...), biljke (kikiriki, cvetove palmi, patlidžane...), predmete (bubnjeve, sandale, topove...), i brojne druge figurativne i geometrijske motive. Koliko privlače svojim oblicima, kao umetničke forme u bronzi, dimenzija od tek nekoliko santimentara, akanski tegovi jednako su značajni kao svedočanstva o prirodnom bogatstvu zlata u Zapadnoj Africi. Njima je meren zlatni prah, koji je imao ulogu novca u Gani i Obali Slonovače kod naroda Akan od 15. sve do kraja 19. veka, u svakodnevnim aktivnostima - na tržnicama, u kraljevskim trezorima zlata i za naplate državnih taksi i poreza. Izložba „Tegovi za merenje zlatnog praha naroda Akan“, autorke Marije Ličine, predstavila je značaj koji su u globalnoj istoriji imali bogata nalazišta zlata, trgovinski i kulturni kontakti na prostoru Zapadne Afrike. Kroz izložbu, posetioci uče o prometu zlata od afričke obale Mediterana do Gvinejskog zaliva (u periodu od 10. do 19. veka), pustinjskim karavanima i evropskim flotama u pohodu ka akanskim zlatonosnim poljima, o običajima cenkanja do „poslednjeg zrna zlata“, boji plamena za tegove-skulpture u bronzi i drugim temama vezanim za istoriju i kulturu naroda Akan. Izuzetnost zbirke tegova Muzeja afričke umetnosti u Beogradu, sa više od 500 originalnih predmeta, kao i zbirka Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja sa više od 200 tegova koji su po prvi put biti predstavljeni javnosti, poslužili su kao polazište za obradu nekoliko temata: AFRIČKO ZLATO U STAROM SVETU transsaharska trgovina zlatom, od 10. do 16. veka ZLATNI PRAH KAO NOVAC I JEDINICE TEŽINE: proizvodnja i promet zlata u „zlatnim kraljevstvima“ Gane, od 15. do 19. veka; kulturni kontakti i razmena između afričkih, arapskih i evropskih civilizacija AMBLEMI TRADICIJE I DRUŠTVENIH VREDNOSTI motivi tegova kao ilustracije poslovica i izreka POUKE NA TEGOVIMA ZA MERENJE ZLATNOG PRAHA Kao i oblici, i značenja koja su tegovi-skulpture imali različita su: mnogi asociraju mudre pouke iz poslovica i narodnih priča, čuvaju sećanja na bitke, mitove i legende, ili predstavljaju određene simbole. Navodimo neke od akanskih poslovica: Lud je onaj ko puši i nosi bačvu sa barutom na glavi! Između ključa i brave, jedan je stariji - mora postojati vođa, čak i među jednakima. Ne treba ti veliki štap da slomiješ petlu vrat - kaže se za moćnog čoveka koji nepotrebno zlostavlja siromašnog i nezaštićenog. Snaga palmovog drveta je u njegovim granama - kraljeva moć leži u broju njegovih podanika. ---- ovaj teg nije bio na izlozbi u MAU ----- ---------------------------------------- Akan goldweights, (locally known as mrammou), are weights made of brass used as a measuring system by the Akan people of West Africa, particularly for wei and fair-trade arrangements with one another. The status of a man increased significantly if he owned a complete set of weights. Complete small sets of weights were gifts to newly wedded men. This insured that he would be able to enter the merchant trade respectably and successfully. Beyond their practical application, the weights are miniature representations of West African culture items such as adinkra symbols, plants, animals and people. Stylistic studies of goldweights can provide relative dates into the two broad early and late periods. The Early period is thought to have been from about 1400–1720 AD, with some overlap with the Late period, 1700-1900 AD. There is a distinct difference between the Early and Late periods. Geometric weights are the oldest forms, dating from 1400 AD onwards while figurative weights, those made in the image of people, animals, building etc., first appear around 1600 AD. Radiocarbon dating, a standard and accurate method in many disciplines, cannot be used to date the weights, as it is an inorganic material. The base components of inorganic materials, such as metals, formed long before the manufacturing of the artifact.The copper and zinc used to make the alloy are exponentially older than the artifact itself. Studies on the quality or origins of the base metals in brass are not very useful due to the broad distribution and recycling of the material. Studying the weight`s cultural background or provenance is an accurate method of dating the weights. Historical records accompanying the weight describing the people to whom it belonged to, as well as a comparative study of the weights and oral and artistic traditions of neighbouring communities should be part of studying the background and provenance of the weights. Scholars use the weights, and the oral traditions behind the weights, to understand aspects of Akan culture that otherwise may have been lost. The weights represent stories, riddles, and code of conducts that helped guide Akan peoples in the ways they live their lives. Central to Akan culture is the concern for equality and justice; it is rich in oral histories on this subject. Many weights symbolize significant and well-known stories. The weights were part of the Akan`s cultural reinforcement, expressing personal behaviour codes, beliefs, and values in a medium that was assembled by many people. Anthony Appiah describes[2] how his mother, who collected goldweights, was visited by Muslim Hausa traders from the north. The goldweights they brought were `sold by people who had no use for them any more, now that paper and coin had replaced gold-dust as currency. And as she collected them, she heard more and more of the folklore that went with them; the proverbs that every figurative gold-weight elicited; the folk-tales, Ananseasem, that the proverbs evoked.` Appiah also heard these Ananseasem, Anansi stories, from his father, and writes: `Between his stories and the cultural messages that came with the gold-weights, we gathered the sort of sense of a cultural tradition that comes from growing up in it. For us it was not Asante tradition but the webwork of our lives.` There are a number of parallels between Akan goldweights and the seals used in Harappa. Both artifacts stabilized and secured regional and local trade between peoples, while they took on further meaning beyond their practical uses. Shields are symbols of bravery, stamina, or a glorious deed, though not necessarily in battle. Double-edged swords symbolize a joint rule between female and male, rather than implying violence or rule with fear. The naming of the weights is incredibly complex, as a complete list of Akan weights had more than sixty values, and each set had a local name that varied regionally. There are, from studies done by Garrard, twelve weight-name lists from Ghana and the Ivory Coast. Some estimate that there are 3 million goldweights in existence. Simon Fraser University has a small collection, consisting mostly of geometric style weights, with a number of human figurative weights. Both types are pictured here and come from the SFU Museum of Archaeology and Ethnography. Many of the largest museums of in the US and Europe have sizable collections of goldweights. The National Museum of Ghana, the Musée des Civilisations de Côte d`Ivoire in Abidjan, Derby Museum and smaller museums in Mali all have collections of weights with a range of dates. Private collections have amassed a wide range of weights as well. In the past, each weight was meticulously carved, then cast using the ancient technique of lost wax. As the Akan culture moved away from using gold as the basis of their economy, the weights lost their cultural day-to-day use and some of their significance. Their popularity with tourists has created a market that the locals fill with mass-produced weights. These modern reproductions of the weights have become a tourist favorite. Rather than the simple but artistic facial features of the anthropomorphic weights or the clean, smooth lines of the geomorphic weights, modern weights are unrefined and mass-produced look. The strong oral tradition of the Akan is not included in the creation of the weights; however, this does not seem to lessen their popularity. The skill involved in casting weights was enormous; as most weights were less than 2½ ounces and their exact mass was meticulously measured. They were a standard of measure to be used in trade, and had to be accurate. The goldsmith, or adwumfo, would make adjustments if the casting weighed too much or too little. Even the most beautiful, figurative weights had limbs and horns removed, or edges filed down until it met the closest weight equivalent. Weights that were not heavy enough would have small lead rings or glass beads attached to bring up the weight to the desired standard. There are far more weights without modifications than not, speaking to the talent of the goldsmiths. Most weights were within 3% of their theoretical value; this variance is similar to those of European nest weights from the same time. Early weights display bold, but simple, artistic designs. Later weights developed into beautiful works of art with fine details. However, by the 1890s (Late Period) the quality of both design and material was very poor, and the abandonment of the weights quickly followed. Tim Garrard (April 28, 1943 – May 17, 2007) studied the Akan gold culture. His research was centered on goldweights and their cultural significances and purposes. He was also interested in the gold trade, the creation of the weight measurements, and how Akan trade networks operated with other networks. His works and those that use his work as a base are very informative about broader Akan culture. The weights pictured here are part of the collection at the SFU museum. Donated to the museum in the late 1970s, they are part of a wide collection of African cultural pieces.

1,5 x 1,2 x 0,2 cm bronza samo srbija ovaj predmet ne saljem u inostranstvo serbia only I do not send this item abroad Prošle izložbe (Muzej Africke umetnosti) 16. februar 2011. - 20. avgust 2011. AUTOR IZLOŽBE I KATALOGA Marija Ličina, kustos MAU Na izložbi je prikazano više od 500 tegova za merenje zlatnog praha iz zbirke Muzeja afričke umetnosti, preko 200 tegova iz zbirke Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja u Ljubljani, primeri iz privatnih kolekcija. Pored tegova, izložba uključuje i prateće predmete kao što su vage, kutije i kašike za zlatni prah. Tegovi naroda Akan jedinstveni su u svetu po svojim oblicima - predstavljaju ljude (ratnike, vračeve, lovce...), životinje (ptice,krokodili, antilope...), biljke (kikiriki, cvetove palmi, patlidžane...), predmete (bubnjeve, sandale, topove...), i brojne druge figurativne i geometrijske motive. Koliko privlače svojim oblicima, kao umetničke forme u bronzi, dimenzija od tek nekoliko santimentara, akanski tegovi jednako su značajni kao svedočanstva o prirodnom bogatstvu zlata u Zapadnoj Africi. Njima je meren zlatni prah, koji je imao ulogu novca u Gani i Obali Slonovače kod naroda Akan od 15. sve do kraja 19. veka, u svakodnevnim aktivnostima - na tržnicama, u kraljevskim trezorima zlata i za naplate državnih taksi i poreza. Izložba „Tegovi za merenje zlatnog praha naroda Akan“, autorke Marije Ličine, predstavila je značaj koji su u globalnoj istoriji imali bogata nalazišta zlata, trgovinski i kulturni kontakti na prostoru Zapadne Afrike. Kroz izložbu, posetioci uče o prometu zlata od afričke obale Mediterana do Gvinejskog zaliva (u periodu od 10. do 19. veka), pustinjskim karavanima i evropskim flotama u pohodu ka akanskim zlatonosnim poljima, o običajima cenkanja do „poslednjeg zrna zlata“, boji plamena za tegove-skulpture u bronzi i drugim temama vezanim za istoriju i kulturu naroda Akan. Izuzetnost zbirke tegova Muzeja afričke umetnosti u Beogradu, sa više od 500 originalnih predmeta, kao i zbirka Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja sa više od 200 tegova koji su po prvi put biti predstavljeni javnosti, poslužili su kao polazište za obradu nekoliko temata: AFRIČKO ZLATO U STAROM SVETU transsaharska trgovina zlatom, od 10. do 16. veka ZLATNI PRAH KAO NOVAC I JEDINICE TEŽINE: proizvodnja i promet zlata u „zlatnim kraljevstvima“ Gane, od 15. do 19. veka; kulturni kontakti i razmena između afričkih, arapskih i evropskih civilizacija AMBLEMI TRADICIJE I DRUŠTVENIH VREDNOSTI motivi tegova kao ilustracije poslovica i izreka POUKE NA TEGOVIMA ZA MERENJE ZLATNOG PRAHA Kao i oblici, i značenja koja su tegovi-skulpture imali različita su: mnogi asociraju mudre pouke iz poslovica i narodnih priča, čuvaju sećanja na bitke, mitove i legende, ili predstavljaju određene simbole. Navodimo neke od akanskih poslovica: Lud je onaj ko puši i nosi bačvu sa barutom na glavi! Između ključa i brave, jedan je stariji - mora postojati vođa, čak i među jednakima. Ne treba ti veliki štap da slomiješ petlu vrat - kaže se za moćnog čoveka koji nepotrebno zlostavlja siromašnog i nezaštićenog. Snaga palmovog drveta je u njegovim granama - kraljeva moć leži u broju njegovih podanika. ---- ovaj teg nije bio na izlozbi u MAU ----- ---------------------------------------- Akan goldweights, (locally known as mrammou), are weights made of brass used as a measuring system by the Akan people of West Africa, particularly for wei and fair-trade arrangements with one another. The status of a man increased significantly if he owned a complete set of weights. Complete small sets of weights were gifts to newly wedded men. This insured that he would be able to enter the merchant trade respectably and successfully. Beyond their practical application, the weights are miniature representations of West African culture items such as adinkra symbols, plants, animals and people. Stylistic studies of goldweights can provide relative dates into the two broad early and late periods. The Early period is thought to have been from about 1400–1720 AD, with some overlap with the Late period, 1700-1900 AD. There is a distinct difference between the Early and Late periods. Geometric weights are the oldest forms, dating from 1400 AD onwards while figurative weights, those made in the image of people, animals, building etc., first appear around 1600 AD. Radiocarbon dating, a standard and accurate method in many disciplines, cannot be used to date the weights, as it is an inorganic material. The base components of inorganic materials, such as metals, formed long before the manufacturing of the artifact.The copper and zinc used to make the alloy are exponentially older than the artifact itself. Studies on the quality or origins of the base metals in brass are not very useful due to the broad distribution and recycling of the material. Studying the weight`s cultural background or provenance is an accurate method of dating the weights. Historical records accompanying the weight describing the people to whom it belonged to, as well as a comparative study of the weights and oral and artistic traditions of neighbouring communities should be part of studying the background and provenance of the weights. Scholars use the weights, and the oral traditions behind the weights, to understand aspects of Akan culture that otherwise may have been lost. The weights represent stories, riddles, and code of conducts that helped guide Akan peoples in the ways they live their lives. Central to Akan culture is the concern for equality and justice; it is rich in oral histories on this subject. Many weights symbolize significant and well-known stories. The weights were part of the Akan`s cultural reinforcement, expressing personal behaviour codes, beliefs, and values in a medium that was assembled by many people. Anthony Appiah describes[2] how his mother, who collected goldweights, was visited by Muslim Hausa traders from the north. The goldweights they brought were `sold by people who had no use for them any more, now that paper and coin had replaced gold-dust as currency. And as she collected them, she heard more and more of the folklore that went with them; the proverbs that every figurative gold-weight elicited; the folk-tales, Ananseasem, that the proverbs evoked.` Appiah also heard these Ananseasem, Anansi stories, from his father, and writes: `Between his stories and the cultural messages that came with the gold-weights, we gathered the sort of sense of a cultural tradition that comes from growing up in it. For us it was not Asante tradition but the webwork of our lives.` There are a number of parallels between Akan goldweights and the seals used in Harappa. Both artifacts stabilized and secured regional and local trade between peoples, while they took on further meaning beyond their practical uses. Shields are symbols of bravery, stamina, or a glorious deed, though not necessarily in battle. Double-edged swords symbolize a joint rule between female and male, rather than implying violence or rule with fear. The naming of the weights is incredibly complex, as a complete list of Akan weights had more than sixty values, and each set had a local name that varied regionally. There are, from studies done by Garrard, twelve weight-name lists from Ghana and the Ivory Coast. Some estimate that there are 3 million goldweights in existence. Simon Fraser University has a small collection, consisting mostly of geometric style weights, with a number of human figurative weights. Both types are pictured here and come from the SFU Museum of Archaeology and Ethnography. Many of the largest museums of in the US and Europe have sizable collections of goldweights. The National Museum of Ghana, the Musée des Civilisations de Côte d`Ivoire in Abidjan, Derby Museum and smaller museums in Mali all have collections of weights with a range of dates. Private collections have amassed a wide range of weights as well. In the past, each weight was meticulously carved, then cast using the ancient technique of lost wax. As the Akan culture moved away from using gold as the basis of their economy, the weights lost their cultural day-to-day use and some of their significance. Their popularity with tourists has created a market that the locals fill with mass-produced weights. These modern reproductions of the weights have become a tourist favorite. Rather than the simple but artistic facial features of the anthropomorphic weights or the clean, smooth lines of the geomorphic weights, modern weights are unrefined and mass-produced look. The strong oral tradition of the Akan is not included in the creation of the weights; however, this does not seem to lessen their popularity. The skill involved in casting weights was enormous; as most weights were less than 2½ ounces and their exact mass was meticulously measured. They were a standard of measure to be used in trade, and had to be accurate. The goldsmith, or adwumfo, would make adjustments if the casting weighed too much or too little. Even the most beautiful, figurative weights had limbs and horns removed, or edges filed down until it met the closest weight equivalent. Weights that were not heavy enough would have small lead rings or glass beads attached to bring up the weight to the desired standard. There are far more weights without modifications than not, speaking to the talent of the goldsmiths. Most weights were within 3% of their theoretical value; this variance is similar to those of European nest weights from the same time. Early weights display bold, but simple, artistic designs. Later weights developed into beautiful works of art with fine details. However, by the 1890s (Late Period) the quality of both design and material was very poor, and the abandonment of the weights quickly followed. Tim Garrard (April 28, 1943 – May 17, 2007) studied the Akan gold culture. His research was centered on goldweights and their cultural significances and purposes. He was also interested in the gold trade, the creation of the weight measurements, and how Akan trade networks operated with other networks. His works and those that use his work as a base are very informative about broader Akan culture. The weights pictured here are part of the collection at the SFU museum. Donated to the museum in the late 1970s, they are part of a wide collection of African cultural pieces.

2 x 1,8 x 1 cm bronza samo srbija ovaj predmet ne saljem u inostranstvo serbia only I do not send this item abroad Prošle izložbe (Muzej Africke umetnosti) 16. februar 2011. - 20. avgust 2011. AUTOR IZLOŽBE I KATALOGA Marija Ličina, kustos MAU Na izložbi je prikazano više od 500 tegova za merenje zlatnog praha iz zbirke Muzeja afričke umetnosti, preko 200 tegova iz zbirke Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja u Ljubljani, primeri iz privatnih kolekcija. Pored tegova, izložba uključuje i prateće predmete kao što su vage, kutije i kašike za zlatni prah. Tegovi naroda Akan jedinstveni su u svetu po svojim oblicima - predstavljaju ljude (ratnike, vračeve, lovce...), životinje (ptice,krokodili, antilope...), biljke (kikiriki, cvetove palmi, patlidžane...), predmete (bubnjeve, sandale, topove...), i brojne druge figurativne i geometrijske motive. Koliko privlače svojim oblicima, kao umetničke forme u bronzi, dimenzija od tek nekoliko santimentara, akanski tegovi jednako su značajni kao svedočanstva o prirodnom bogatstvu zlata u Zapadnoj Africi. Njima je meren zlatni prah, koji je imao ulogu novca u Gani i Obali Slonovače kod naroda Akan od 15. sve do kraja 19. veka, u svakodnevnim aktivnostima - na tržnicama, u kraljevskim trezorima zlata i za naplate državnih taksi i poreza. Izložba „Tegovi za merenje zlatnog praha naroda Akan“, autorke Marije Ličine, predstavila je značaj koji su u globalnoj istoriji imali bogata nalazišta zlata, trgovinski i kulturni kontakti na prostoru Zapadne Afrike. Kroz izložbu, posetioci uče o prometu zlata od afričke obale Mediterana do Gvinejskog zaliva (u periodu od 10. do 19. veka), pustinjskim karavanima i evropskim flotama u pohodu ka akanskim zlatonosnim poljima, o običajima cenkanja do „poslednjeg zrna zlata“, boji plamena za tegove-skulpture u bronzi i drugim temama vezanim za istoriju i kulturu naroda Akan. Izuzetnost zbirke tegova Muzeja afričke umetnosti u Beogradu, sa više od 500 originalnih predmeta, kao i zbirka Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja sa više od 200 tegova koji su po prvi put biti predstavljeni javnosti, poslužili su kao polazište za obradu nekoliko temata: AFRIČKO ZLATO U STAROM SVETU transsaharska trgovina zlatom, od 10. do 16. veka ZLATNI PRAH KAO NOVAC I JEDINICE TEŽINE: proizvodnja i promet zlata u „zlatnim kraljevstvima“ Gane, od 15. do 19. veka; kulturni kontakti i razmena između afričkih, arapskih i evropskih civilizacija AMBLEMI TRADICIJE I DRUŠTVENIH VREDNOSTI motivi tegova kao ilustracije poslovica i izreka POUKE NA TEGOVIMA ZA MERENJE ZLATNOG PRAHA Kao i oblici, i značenja koja su tegovi-skulpture imali različita su: mnogi asociraju mudre pouke iz poslovica i narodnih priča, čuvaju sećanja na bitke, mitove i legende, ili predstavljaju određene simbole. Navodimo neke od akanskih poslovica: Lud je onaj ko puši i nosi bačvu sa barutom na glavi! Između ključa i brave, jedan je stariji - mora postojati vođa, čak i među jednakima. Ne treba ti veliki štap da slomiješ petlu vrat - kaže se za moćnog čoveka koji nepotrebno zlostavlja siromašnog i nezaštićenog. Snaga palmovog drveta je u njegovim granama - kraljeva moć leži u broju njegovih podanika. ---- ovaj teg nije bio na izlozbi u MAU ----- ---------------------------------------- Akan goldweights, (locally known as mrammou), are weights made of brass used as a measuring system by the Akan people of West Africa, particularly for wei and fair-trade arrangements with one another. The status of a man increased significantly if he owned a complete set of weights. Complete small sets of weights were gifts to newly wedded men. This insured that he would be able to enter the merchant trade respectably and successfully. Beyond their practical application, the weights are miniature representations of West African culture items such as adinkra symbols, plants, animals and people. Stylistic studies of goldweights can provide relative dates into the two broad early and late periods. The Early period is thought to have been from about 1400–1720 AD, with some overlap with the Late period, 1700-1900 AD. There is a distinct difference between the Early and Late periods. Geometric weights are the oldest forms, dating from 1400 AD onwards while figurative weights, those made in the image of people, animals, building etc., first appear around 1600 AD. Radiocarbon dating, a standard and accurate method in many disciplines, cannot be used to date the weights, as it is an inorganic material. The base components of inorganic materials, such as metals, formed long before the manufacturing of the artifact.The copper and zinc used to make the alloy are exponentially older than the artifact itself. Studies on the quality or origins of the base metals in brass are not very useful due to the broad distribution and recycling of the material. Studying the weight`s cultural background or provenance is an accurate method of dating the weights. Historical records accompanying the weight describing the people to whom it belonged to, as well as a comparative study of the weights and oral and artistic traditions of neighbouring communities should be part of studying the background and provenance of the weights. Scholars use the weights, and the oral traditions behind the weights, to understand aspects of Akan culture that otherwise may have been lost. The weights represent stories, riddles, and code of conducts that helped guide Akan peoples in the ways they live their lives. Central to Akan culture is the concern for equality and justice; it is rich in oral histories on this subject. Many weights symbolize significant and well-known stories. The weights were part of the Akan`s cultural reinforcement, expressing personal behaviour codes, beliefs, and values in a medium that was assembled by many people. Anthony Appiah describes[2] how his mother, who collected goldweights, was visited by Muslim Hausa traders from the north. The goldweights they brought were `sold by people who had no use for them any more, now that paper and coin had replaced gold-dust as currency. And as she collected them, she heard more and more of the folklore that went with them; the proverbs that every figurative gold-weight elicited; the folk-tales, Ananseasem, that the proverbs evoked.` Appiah also heard these Ananseasem, Anansi stories, from his father, and writes: `Between his stories and the cultural messages that came with the gold-weights, we gathered the sort of sense of a cultural tradition that comes from growing up in it. For us it was not Asante tradition but the webwork of our lives.` There are a number of parallels between Akan goldweights and the seals used in Harappa. Both artifacts stabilized and secured regional and local trade between peoples, while they took on further meaning beyond their practical uses. Shields are symbols of bravery, stamina, or a glorious deed, though not necessarily in battle. Double-edged swords symbolize a joint rule between female and male, rather than implying violence or rule with fear. The naming of the weights is incredibly complex, as a complete list of Akan weights had more than sixty values, and each set had a local name that varied regionally. There are, from studies done by Garrard, twelve weight-name lists from Ghana and the Ivory Coast. Some estimate that there are 3 million goldweights in existence. Simon Fraser University has a small collection, consisting mostly of geometric style weights, with a number of human figurative weights. Both types are pictured here and come from the SFU Museum of Archaeology and Ethnography. Many of the largest museums of in the US and Europe have sizable collections of goldweights. The National Museum of Ghana, the Musée des Civilisations de Côte d`Ivoire in Abidjan, Derby Museum and smaller museums in Mali all have collections of weights with a range of dates. Private collections have amassed a wide range of weights as well. In the past, each weight was meticulously carved, then cast using the ancient technique of lost wax. As the Akan culture moved away from using gold as the basis of their economy, the weights lost their cultural day-to-day use and some of their significance. Their popularity with tourists has created a market that the locals fill with mass-produced weights. These modern reproductions of the weights have become a tourist favorite. Rather than the simple but artistic facial features of the anthropomorphic weights or the clean, smooth lines of the geomorphic weights, modern weights are unrefined and mass-produced look. The strong oral tradition of the Akan is not included in the creation of the weights; however, this does not seem to lessen their popularity. The skill involved in casting weights was enormous; as most weights were less than 2½ ounces and their exact mass was meticulously measured. They were a standard of measure to be used in trade, and had to be accurate. The goldsmith, or adwumfo, would make adjustments if the casting weighed too much or too little. Even the most beautiful, figurative weights had limbs and horns removed, or edges filed down until it met the closest weight equivalent. Weights that were not heavy enough would have small lead rings or glass beads attached to bring up the weight to the desired standard. There are far more weights without modifications than not, speaking to the talent of the goldsmiths. Most weights were within 3% of their theoretical value; this variance is similar to those of European nest weights from the same time. Early weights display bold, but simple, artistic designs. Later weights developed into beautiful works of art with fine details. However, by the 1890s (Late Period) the quality of both design and material was very poor, and the abandonment of the weights quickly followed. Tim Garrard (April 28, 1943 – May 17, 2007) studied the Akan gold culture. His research was centered on goldweights and their cultural significances and purposes. He was also interested in the gold trade, the creation of the weight measurements, and how Akan trade networks operated with other networks. His works and those that use his work as a base are very informative about broader Akan culture. The weights pictured here are part of the collection at the SFU museum. Donated to the museum in the late 1970s, they are part of a wide collection of African cultural pieces.

2,5 x 1 x 0,2 cm bronza samo srbija ovaj predmet ne saljem u inostranstvo serbia only I do not send this item abroad Prošle izložbe (Muzej Africke umetnosti) 16. februar 2011. - 20. avgust 2011. AUTOR IZLOŽBE I KATALOGA Marija Ličina, kustos MAU Na izložbi je prikazano više od 500 tegova za merenje zlatnog praha iz zbirke Muzeja afričke umetnosti, preko 200 tegova iz zbirke Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja u Ljubljani, primeri iz privatnih kolekcija. Pored tegova, izložba uključuje i prateće predmete kao što su vage, kutije i kašike za zlatni prah. Tegovi naroda Akan jedinstveni su u svetu po svojim oblicima - predstavljaju ljude (ratnike, vračeve, lovce...), životinje (ptice,krokodili, antilope...), biljke (kikiriki, cvetove palmi, patlidžane...), predmete (bubnjeve, sandale, topove...), i brojne druge figurativne i geometrijske motive. Koliko privlače svojim oblicima, kao umetničke forme u bronzi, dimenzija od tek nekoliko santimentara, akanski tegovi jednako su značajni kao svedočanstva o prirodnom bogatstvu zlata u Zapadnoj Africi. Njima je meren zlatni prah, koji je imao ulogu novca u Gani i Obali Slonovače kod naroda Akan od 15. sve do kraja 19. veka, u svakodnevnim aktivnostima - na tržnicama, u kraljevskim trezorima zlata i za naplate državnih taksi i poreza. Izložba „Tegovi za merenje zlatnog praha naroda Akan“, autorke Marije Ličine, predstavila je značaj koji su u globalnoj istoriji imali bogata nalazišta zlata, trgovinski i kulturni kontakti na prostoru Zapadne Afrike. Kroz izložbu, posetioci uče o prometu zlata od afričke obale Mediterana do Gvinejskog zaliva (u periodu od 10. do 19. veka), pustinjskim karavanima i evropskim flotama u pohodu ka akanskim zlatonosnim poljima, o običajima cenkanja do „poslednjeg zrna zlata“, boji plamena za tegove-skulpture u bronzi i drugim temama vezanim za istoriju i kulturu naroda Akan. Izuzetnost zbirke tegova Muzeja afričke umetnosti u Beogradu, sa više od 500 originalnih predmeta, kao i zbirka Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja sa više od 200 tegova koji su po prvi put biti predstavljeni javnosti, poslužili su kao polazište za obradu nekoliko temata: AFRIČKO ZLATO U STAROM SVETU transsaharska trgovina zlatom, od 10. do 16. veka ZLATNI PRAH KAO NOVAC I JEDINICE TEŽINE: proizvodnja i promet zlata u „zlatnim kraljevstvima“ Gane, od 15. do 19. veka; kulturni kontakti i razmena između afričkih, arapskih i evropskih civilizacija AMBLEMI TRADICIJE I DRUŠTVENIH VREDNOSTI motivi tegova kao ilustracije poslovica i izreka POUKE NA TEGOVIMA ZA MERENJE ZLATNOG PRAHA Kao i oblici, i značenja koja su tegovi-skulpture imali različita su: mnogi asociraju mudre pouke iz poslovica i narodnih priča, čuvaju sećanja na bitke, mitove i legende, ili predstavljaju određene simbole. Navodimo neke od akanskih poslovica: Lud je onaj ko puši i nosi bačvu sa barutom na glavi! Između ključa i brave, jedan je stariji - mora postojati vođa, čak i među jednakima. Ne treba ti veliki štap da slomiješ petlu vrat - kaže se za moćnog čoveka koji nepotrebno zlostavlja siromašnog i nezaštićenog. Snaga palmovog drveta je u njegovim granama - kraljeva moć leži u broju njegovih podanika. ---- ovaj teg nije bio na izlozbi u MAU ----- ---------------------------------------- Akan goldweights, (locally known as mrammou), are weights made of brass used as a measuring system by the Akan people of West Africa, particularly for wei and fair-trade arrangements with one another. The status of a man increased significantly if he owned a complete set of weights. Complete small sets of weights were gifts to newly wedded men. This insured that he would be able to enter the merchant trade respectably and successfully. Beyond their practical application, the weights are miniature representations of West African culture items such as adinkra symbols, plants, animals and people. Stylistic studies of goldweights can provide relative dates into the two broad early and late periods. The Early period is thought to have been from about 1400–1720 AD, with some overlap with the Late period, 1700-1900 AD. There is a distinct difference between the Early and Late periods. Geometric weights are the oldest forms, dating from 1400 AD onwards while figurative weights, those made in the image of people, animals, building etc., first appear around 1600 AD. Radiocarbon dating, a standard and accurate method in many disciplines, cannot be used to date the weights, as it is an inorganic material. The base components of inorganic materials, such as metals, formed long before the manufacturing of the artifact.The copper and zinc used to make the alloy are exponentially older than the artifact itself. Studies on the quality or origins of the base metals in brass are not very useful due to the broad distribution and recycling of the material. Studying the weight`s cultural background or provenance is an accurate method of dating the weights. Historical records accompanying the weight describing the people to whom it belonged to, as well as a comparative study of the weights and oral and artistic traditions of neighbouring communities should be part of studying the background and provenance of the weights. Scholars use the weights, and the oral traditions behind the weights, to understand aspects of Akan culture that otherwise may have been lost. The weights represent stories, riddles, and code of conducts that helped guide Akan peoples in the ways they live their lives. Central to Akan culture is the concern for equality and justice; it is rich in oral histories on this subject. Many weights symbolize significant and well-known stories. The weights were part of the Akan`s cultural reinforcement, expressing personal behaviour codes, beliefs, and values in a medium that was assembled by many people. Anthony Appiah describes[2] how his mother, who collected goldweights, was visited by Muslim Hausa traders from the north. The goldweights they brought were `sold by people who had no use for them any more, now that paper and coin had replaced gold-dust as currency. And as she collected them, she heard more and more of the folklore that went with them; the proverbs that every figurative gold-weight elicited; the folk-tales, Ananseasem, that the proverbs evoked.` Appiah also heard these Ananseasem, Anansi stories, from his father, and writes: `Between his stories and the cultural messages that came with the gold-weights, we gathered the sort of sense of a cultural tradition that comes from growing up in it. For us it was not Asante tradition but the webwork of our lives.` There are a number of parallels between Akan goldweights and the seals used in Harappa. Both artifacts stabilized and secured regional and local trade between peoples, while they took on further meaning beyond their practical uses. Shields are symbols of bravery, stamina, or a glorious deed, though not necessarily in battle. Double-edged swords symbolize a joint rule between female and male, rather than implying violence or rule with fear. The naming of the weights is incredibly complex, as a complete list of Akan weights had more than sixty values, and each set had a local name that varied regionally. There are, from studies done by Garrard, twelve weight-name lists from Ghana and the Ivory Coast. Some estimate that there are 3 million goldweights in existence. Simon Fraser University has a small collection, consisting mostly of geometric style weights, with a number of human figurative weights. Both types are pictured here and come from the SFU Museum of Archaeology and Ethnography. Many of the largest museums of in the US and Europe have sizable collections of goldweights. The National Museum of Ghana, the Musée des Civilisations de Côte d`Ivoire in Abidjan, Derby Museum and smaller museums in Mali all have collections of weights with a range of dates. Private collections have amassed a wide range of weights as well. In the past, each weight was meticulously carved, then cast using the ancient technique of lost wax. As the Akan culture moved away from using gold as the basis of their economy, the weights lost their cultural day-to-day use and some of their significance. Their popularity with tourists has created a market that the locals fill with mass-produced weights. These modern reproductions of the weights have become a tourist favorite. Rather than the simple but artistic facial features of the anthropomorphic weights or the clean, smooth lines of the geomorphic weights, modern weights are unrefined and mass-produced look. The strong oral tradition of the Akan is not included in the creation of the weights; however, this does not seem to lessen their popularity. The skill involved in casting weights was enormous; as most weights were less than 2½ ounces and their exact mass was meticulously measured. They were a standard of measure to be used in trade, and had to be accurate. The goldsmith, or adwumfo, would make adjustments if the casting weighed too much or too little. Even the most beautiful, figurative weights had limbs and horns removed, or edges filed down until it met the closest weight equivalent. Weights that were not heavy enough would have small lead rings or glass beads attached to bring up the weight to the desired standard. There are far more weights without modifications than not, speaking to the talent of the goldsmiths. Most weights were within 3% of their theoretical value; this variance is similar to those of European nest weights from the same time. Early weights display bold, but simple, artistic designs. Later weights developed into beautiful works of art with fine details. However, by the 1890s (Late Period) the quality of both design and material was very poor, and the abandonment of the weights quickly followed. Tim Garrard (April 28, 1943 – May 17, 2007) studied the Akan gold culture. His research was centered on goldweights and their cultural significances and purposes. He was also interested in the gold trade, the creation of the weight measurements, and how Akan trade networks operated with other networks. His works and those that use his work as a base are very informative about broader Akan culture. The weights pictured here are part of the collection at the SFU museum. Donated to the museum in the late 1970s, they are part of a wide collection of African cultural pieces.

1,5 x 1,3 x 0,6 cm bronza samo srbija ovaj predmet ne saljem u inostranstvo serbia only I do not send this item abroad Prošle izložbe (Muzej Africke umetnosti) 16. februar 2011. - 20. avgust 2011. AUTOR IZLOŽBE I KATALOGA Marija Ličina, kustos MAU Na izložbi je prikazano više od 500 tegova za merenje zlatnog praha iz zbirke Muzeja afričke umetnosti, preko 200 tegova iz zbirke Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja u Ljubljani, primeri iz privatnih kolekcija. Pored tegova, izložba uključuje i prateće predmete kao što su vage, kutije i kašike za zlatni prah. Tegovi naroda Akan jedinstveni su u svetu po svojim oblicima - predstavljaju ljude (ratnike, vračeve, lovce...), životinje (ptice,krokodili, antilope...), biljke (kikiriki, cvetove palmi, patlidžane...), predmete (bubnjeve, sandale, topove...), i brojne druge figurativne i geometrijske motive. Koliko privlače svojim oblicima, kao umetničke forme u bronzi, dimenzija od tek nekoliko santimentara, akanski tegovi jednako su značajni kao svedočanstva o prirodnom bogatstvu zlata u Zapadnoj Africi. Njima je meren zlatni prah, koji je imao ulogu novca u Gani i Obali Slonovače kod naroda Akan od 15. sve do kraja 19. veka, u svakodnevnim aktivnostima - na tržnicama, u kraljevskim trezorima zlata i za naplate državnih taksi i poreza. Izložba „Tegovi za merenje zlatnog praha naroda Akan“, autorke Marije Ličine, predstavila je značaj koji su u globalnoj istoriji imali bogata nalazišta zlata, trgovinski i kulturni kontakti na prostoru Zapadne Afrike. Kroz izložbu, posetioci uče o prometu zlata od afričke obale Mediterana do Gvinejskog zaliva (u periodu od 10. do 19. veka), pustinjskim karavanima i evropskim flotama u pohodu ka akanskim zlatonosnim poljima, o običajima cenkanja do „poslednjeg zrna zlata“, boji plamena za tegove-skulpture u bronzi i drugim temama vezanim za istoriju i kulturu naroda Akan. Izuzetnost zbirke tegova Muzeja afričke umetnosti u Beogradu, sa više od 500 originalnih predmeta, kao i zbirka Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja sa više od 200 tegova koji su po prvi put biti predstavljeni javnosti, poslužili su kao polazište za obradu nekoliko temata: AFRIČKO ZLATO U STAROM SVETU transsaharska trgovina zlatom, od 10. do 16. veka ZLATNI PRAH KAO NOVAC I JEDINICE TEŽINE: proizvodnja i promet zlata u „zlatnim kraljevstvima“ Gane, od 15. do 19. veka; kulturni kontakti i razmena između afričkih, arapskih i evropskih civilizacija AMBLEMI TRADICIJE I DRUŠTVENIH VREDNOSTI motivi tegova kao ilustracije poslovica i izreka POUKE NA TEGOVIMA ZA MERENJE ZLATNOG PRAHA Kao i oblici, i značenja koja su tegovi-skulpture imali različita su: mnogi asociraju mudre pouke iz poslovica i narodnih priča, čuvaju sećanja na bitke, mitove i legende, ili predstavljaju određene simbole. Navodimo neke od akanskih poslovica: Lud je onaj ko puši i nosi bačvu sa barutom na glavi! Između ključa i brave, jedan je stariji - mora postojati vođa, čak i među jednakima. Ne treba ti veliki štap da slomiješ petlu vrat - kaže se za moćnog čoveka koji nepotrebno zlostavlja siromašnog i nezaštićenog. Snaga palmovog drveta je u njegovim granama - kraljeva moć leži u broju njegovih podanika. ---- ovaj teg nije bio na izlozbi u MAU ----- ---------------------------------------- Akan goldweights, (locally known as mrammou), are weights made of brass used as a measuring system by the Akan people of West Africa, particularly for wei and fair-trade arrangements with one another. The status of a man increased significantly if he owned a complete set of weights. Complete small sets of weights were gifts to newly wedded men. This insured that he would be able to enter the merchant trade respectably and successfully. Beyond their practical application, the weights are miniature representations of West African culture items such as adinkra symbols, plants, animals and people. Stylistic studies of goldweights can provide relative dates into the two broad early and late periods. The Early period is thought to have been from about 1400–1720 AD, with some overlap with the Late period, 1700-1900 AD. There is a distinct difference between the Early and Late periods. Geometric weights are the oldest forms, dating from 1400 AD onwards while figurative weights, those made in the image of people, animals, building etc., first appear around 1600 AD. Radiocarbon dating, a standard and accurate method in many disciplines, cannot be used to date the weights, as it is an inorganic material. The base components of inorganic materials, such as metals, formed long before the manufacturing of the artifact.The copper and zinc used to make the alloy are exponentially older than the artifact itself. Studies on the quality or origins of the base metals in brass are not very useful due to the broad distribution and recycling of the material. Studying the weight`s cultural background or provenance is an accurate method of dating the weights. Historical records accompanying the weight describing the people to whom it belonged to, as well as a comparative study of the weights and oral and artistic traditions of neighbouring communities should be part of studying the background and provenance of the weights. Scholars use the weights, and the oral traditions behind the weights, to understand aspects of Akan culture that otherwise may have been lost. The weights represent stories, riddles, and code of conducts that helped guide Akan peoples in the ways they live their lives. Central to Akan culture is the concern for equality and justice; it is rich in oral histories on this subject. Many weights symbolize significant and well-known stories. The weights were part of the Akan`s cultural reinforcement, expressing personal behaviour codes, beliefs, and values in a medium that was assembled by many people. Anthony Appiah describes[2] how his mother, who collected goldweights, was visited by Muslim Hausa traders from the north. The goldweights they brought were `sold by people who had no use for them any more, now that paper and coin had replaced gold-dust as currency. And as she collected them, she heard more and more of the folklore that went with them; the proverbs that every figurative gold-weight elicited; the folk-tales, Ananseasem, that the proverbs evoked.` Appiah also heard these Ananseasem, Anansi stories, from his father, and writes: `Between his stories and the cultural messages that came with the gold-weights, we gathered the sort of sense of a cultural tradition that comes from growing up in it. For us it was not Asante tradition but the webwork of our lives.` There are a number of parallels between Akan goldweights and the seals used in Harappa. Both artifacts stabilized and secured regional and local trade between peoples, while they took on further meaning beyond their practical uses. Shields are symbols of bravery, stamina, or a glorious deed, though not necessarily in battle. Double-edged swords symbolize a joint rule between female and male, rather than implying violence or rule with fear. The naming of the weights is incredibly complex, as a complete list of Akan weights had more than sixty values, and each set had a local name that varied regionally. There are, from studies done by Garrard, twelve weight-name lists from Ghana and the Ivory Coast. Some estimate that there are 3 million goldweights in existence. Simon Fraser University has a small collection, consisting mostly of geometric style weights, with a number of human figurative weights. Both types are pictured here and come from the SFU Museum of Archaeology and Ethnography. Many of the largest museums of in the US and Europe have sizable collections of goldweights. The National Museum of Ghana, the Musée des Civilisations de Côte d`Ivoire in Abidjan, Derby Museum and smaller museums in Mali all have collections of weights with a range of dates. Private collections have amassed a wide range of weights as well. In the past, each weight was meticulously carved, then cast using the ancient technique of lost wax. As the Akan culture moved away from using gold as the basis of their economy, the weights lost their cultural day-to-day use and some of their significance. Their popularity with tourists has created a market that the locals fill with mass-produced weights. These modern reproductions of the weights have become a tourist favorite. Rather than the simple but artistic facial features of the anthropomorphic weights or the clean, smooth lines of the geomorphic weights, modern weights are unrefined and mass-produced look. The strong oral tradition of the Akan is not included in the creation of the weights; however, this does not seem to lessen their popularity. The skill involved in casting weights was enormous; as most weights were less than 2½ ounces and their exact mass was meticulously measured. They were a standard of measure to be used in trade, and had to be accurate. The goldsmith, or adwumfo, would make adjustments if the casting weighed too much or too little. Even the most beautiful, figurative weights had limbs and horns removed, or edges filed down until it met the closest weight equivalent. Weights that were not heavy enough would have small lead rings or glass beads attached to bring up the weight to the desired standard. There are far more weights without modifications than not, speaking to the talent of the goldsmiths. Most weights were within 3% of their theoretical value; this variance is similar to those of European nest weights from the same time. Early weights display bold, but simple, artistic designs. Later weights developed into beautiful works of art with fine details. However, by the 1890s (Late Period) the quality of both design and material was very poor, and the abandonment of the weights quickly followed. Tim Garrard (April 28, 1943 – May 17, 2007) studied the Akan gold culture. His research was centered on goldweights and their cultural significances and purposes. He was also interested in the gold trade, the creation of the weight measurements, and how Akan trade networks operated with other networks. His works and those that use his work as a base are very informative about broader Akan culture. The weights pictured here are part of the collection at the SFU museum. Donated to the museum in the late 1970s, they are part of a wide collection of African cultural pieces.

kobra, zmija 4,5 x 3 x 1 cm bronza samo srbija ovaj predmet ne saljem u inostranstvo serbia only I do not send this item abroad Prošle izložbe (Muzej Africke umetnosti) 16. februar 2011. - 20. avgust 2011. AUTOR IZLOŽBE I KATALOGA Marija Ličina, kustos MAU Na izložbi je prikazano više od 500 tegova za merenje zlatnog praha iz zbirke Muzeja afričke umetnosti, preko 200 tegova iz zbirke Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja u Ljubljani, primeri iz privatnih kolekcija. Pored tegova, izložba uključuje i prateće predmete kao što su vage, kutije i kašike za zlatni prah. Tegovi naroda Akan jedinstveni su u svetu po svojim oblicima - predstavljaju ljude (ratnike, vračeve, lovce...), životinje (ptice,krokodili, antilope...), biljke (kikiriki, cvetove palmi, patlidžane...), predmete (bubnjeve, sandale, topove...), i brojne druge figurativne i geometrijske motive. Koliko privlače svojim oblicima, kao umetničke forme u bronzi, dimenzija od tek nekoliko santimentara, akanski tegovi jednako su značajni kao svedočanstva o prirodnom bogatstvu zlata u Zapadnoj Africi. Njima je meren zlatni prah, koji je imao ulogu novca u Gani i Obali Slonovače kod naroda Akan od 15. sve do kraja 19. veka, u svakodnevnim aktivnostima - na tržnicama, u kraljevskim trezorima zlata i za naplate državnih taksi i poreza. Izložba „Tegovi za merenje zlatnog praha naroda Akan“, autorke Marije Ličine, predstavila je značaj koji su u globalnoj istoriji imali bogata nalazišta zlata, trgovinski i kulturni kontakti na prostoru Zapadne Afrike. Kroz izložbu, posetioci uče o prometu zlata od afričke obale Mediterana do Gvinejskog zaliva (u periodu od 10. do 19. veka), pustinjskim karavanima i evropskim flotama u pohodu ka akanskim zlatonosnim poljima, o običajima cenkanja do „poslednjeg zrna zlata“, boji plamena za tegove-skulpture u bronzi i drugim temama vezanim za istoriju i kulturu naroda Akan. Izuzetnost zbirke tegova Muzeja afričke umetnosti u Beogradu, sa više od 500 originalnih predmeta, kao i zbirka Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja sa više od 200 tegova koji su po prvi put biti predstavljeni javnosti, poslužili su kao polazište za obradu nekoliko temata: AFRIČKO ZLATO U STAROM SVETU transsaharska trgovina zlatom, od 10. do 16. veka ZLATNI PRAH KAO NOVAC I JEDINICE TEŽINE: proizvodnja i promet zlata u „zlatnim kraljevstvima“ Gane, od 15. do 19. veka; kulturni kontakti i razmena između afričkih, arapskih i evropskih civilizacija AMBLEMI TRADICIJE I DRUŠTVENIH VREDNOSTI motivi tegova kao ilustracije poslovica i izreka POUKE NA TEGOVIMA ZA MERENJE ZLATNOG PRAHA Kao i oblici, i značenja koja su tegovi-skulpture imali različita su: mnogi asociraju mudre pouke iz poslovica i narodnih priča, čuvaju sećanja na bitke, mitove i legende, ili predstavljaju određene simbole. Navodimo neke od akanskih poslovica: Lud je onaj ko puši i nosi bačvu sa barutom na glavi! Između ključa i brave, jedan je stariji - mora postojati vođa, čak i među jednakima. Ne treba ti veliki štap da slomiješ petlu vrat - kaže se za moćnog čoveka koji nepotrebno zlostavlja siromašnog i nezaštićenog. Snaga palmovog drveta je u njegovim granama - kraljeva moć leži u broju njegovih podanika. ---- ovaj teg nije bio na izlozbi u MAU ----- ---------------------------------------- Akan goldweights, (locally known as mrammou), are weights made of brass used as a measuring system by the Akan people of West Africa, particularly for wei and fair-trade arrangements with one another. The status of a man increased significantly if he owned a complete set of weights. Complete small sets of weights were gifts to newly wedded men. This insured that he would be able to enter the merchant trade respectably and successfully. Beyond their practical application, the weights are miniature representations of West African culture items such as adinkra symbols, plants, animals and people. Stylistic studies of goldweights can provide relative dates into the two broad early and late periods. The Early period is thought to have been from about 1400–1720 AD, with some overlap with the Late period, 1700-1900 AD. There is a distinct difference between the Early and Late periods. Geometric weights are the oldest forms, dating from 1400 AD onwards while figurative weights, those made in the image of people, animals, building etc., first appear around 1600 AD. Radiocarbon dating, a standard and accurate method in many disciplines, cannot be used to date the weights, as it is an inorganic material. The base components of inorganic materials, such as metals, formed long before the manufacturing of the artifact.The copper and zinc used to make the alloy are exponentially older than the artifact itself. Studies on the quality or origins of the base metals in brass are not very useful due to the broad distribution and recycling of the material. Studying the weight`s cultural background or provenance is an accurate method of dating the weights. Historical records accompanying the weight describing the people to whom it belonged to, as well as a comparative study of the weights and oral and artistic traditions of neighbouring communities should be part of studying the background and provenance of the weights. Scholars use the weights, and the oral traditions behind the weights, to understand aspects of Akan culture that otherwise may have been lost. The weights represent stories, riddles, and code of conducts that helped guide Akan peoples in the ways they live their lives. Central to Akan culture is the concern for equality and justice; it is rich in oral histories on this subject. Many weights symbolize significant and well-known stories. The weights were part of the Akan`s cultural reinforcement, expressing personal behaviour codes, beliefs, and values in a medium that was assembled by many people. Anthony Appiah describes[2] how his mother, who collected goldweights, was visited by Muslim Hausa traders from the north. The goldweights they brought were `sold by people who had no use for them any more, now that paper and coin had replaced gold-dust as currency. And as she collected them, she heard more and more of the folklore that went with them; the proverbs that every figurative gold-weight elicited; the folk-tales, Ananseasem, that the proverbs evoked.` Appiah also heard these Ananseasem, Anansi stories, from his father, and writes: `Between his stories and the cultural messages that came with the gold-weights, we gathered the sort of sense of a cultural tradition that comes from growing up in it. For us it was not Asante tradition but the webwork of our lives.` There are a number of parallels between Akan goldweights and the seals used in Harappa. Both artifacts stabilized and secured regional and local trade between peoples, while they took on further meaning beyond their practical uses. Shields are symbols of bravery, stamina, or a glorious deed, though not necessarily in battle. Double-edged swords symbolize a joint rule between female and male, rather than implying violence or rule with fear. The naming of the weights is incredibly complex, as a complete list of Akan weights had more than sixty values, and each set had a local name that varied regionally. There are, from studies done by Garrard, twelve weight-name lists from Ghana and the Ivory Coast. Some estimate that there are 3 million goldweights in existence. Simon Fraser University has a small collection, consisting mostly of geometric style weights, with a number of human figurative weights. Both types are pictured here and come from the SFU Museum of Archaeology and Ethnography. Many of the largest museums of in the US and Europe have sizable collections of goldweights. The National Museum of Ghana, the Musée des Civilisations de Côte d`Ivoire in Abidjan, Derby Museum and smaller museums in Mali all have collections of weights with a range of dates. Private collections have amassed a wide range of weights as well. In the past, each weight was meticulously carved, then cast using the ancient technique of lost wax. As the Akan culture moved away from using gold as the basis of their economy, the weights lost their cultural day-to-day use and some of their significance. Their popularity with tourists has created a market that the locals fill with mass-produced weights. These modern reproductions of the weights have become a tourist favorite. Rather than the simple but artistic facial features of the anthropomorphic weights or the clean, smooth lines of the geomorphic weights, modern weights are unrefined and mass-produced look. The strong oral tradition of the Akan is not included in the creation of the weights; however, this does not seem to lessen their popularity. The skill involved in casting weights was enormous; as most weights were less than 2½ ounces and their exact mass was meticulously measured. They were a standard of measure to be used in trade, and had to be accurate. The goldsmith, or adwumfo, would make adjustments if the casting weighed too much or too little. Even the most beautiful, figurative weights had limbs and horns removed, or edges filed down until it met the closest weight equivalent. Weights that were not heavy enough would have small lead rings or glass beads attached to bring up the weight to the desired standard. There are far more weights without modifications than not, speaking to the talent of the goldsmiths. Most weights were within 3% of their theoretical value; this variance is similar to those of European nest weights from the same time. Early weights display bold, but simple, artistic designs. Later weights developed into beautiful works of art with fine details. However, by the 1890s (Late Period) the quality of both design and material was very poor, and the abandonment of the weights quickly followed. Tim Garrard (April 28, 1943 – May 17, 2007) studied the Akan gold culture. His research was centered on goldweights and their cultural significances and purposes. He was also interested in the gold trade, the creation of the weight measurements, and how Akan trade networks operated with other networks. His works and those that use his work as a base are very informative about broader Akan culture. The weights pictured here are part of the collection at the SFU museum. Donated to the museum in the late 1970s, they are part of a wide collection of African cultural pieces.

1,7 x 2,7 x 1 cm bronza samo srbija ovaj predmet ne saljem u inostranstvo serbia only I do not send this item abroad Prošle izložbe (Muzej Africke umetnosti) 16. februar 2011. - 20. avgust 2011. AUTOR IZLOŽBE I KATALOGA Marija Ličina, kustos MAU Na izložbi je prikazano više od 500 tegova za merenje zlatnog praha iz zbirke Muzeja afričke umetnosti, preko 200 tegova iz zbirke Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja u Ljubljani, primeri iz privatnih kolekcija. Pored tegova, izložba uključuje i prateće predmete kao što su vage, kutije i kašike za zlatni prah. Tegovi naroda Akan jedinstveni su u svetu po svojim oblicima - predstavljaju ljude (ratnike, vračeve, lovce...), životinje (ptice,krokodili, antilope...), biljke (kikiriki, cvetove palmi, patlidžane...), predmete (bubnjeve, sandale, topove...), i brojne druge figurativne i geometrijske motive. Koliko privlače svojim oblicima, kao umetničke forme u bronzi, dimenzija od tek nekoliko santimentara, akanski tegovi jednako su značajni kao svedočanstva o prirodnom bogatstvu zlata u Zapadnoj Africi. Njima je meren zlatni prah, koji je imao ulogu novca u Gani i Obali Slonovače kod naroda Akan od 15. sve do kraja 19. veka, u svakodnevnim aktivnostima - na tržnicama, u kraljevskim trezorima zlata i za naplate državnih taksi i poreza. Izložba „Tegovi za merenje zlatnog praha naroda Akan“, autorke Marije Ličine, predstavila je značaj koji su u globalnoj istoriji imali bogata nalazišta zlata, trgovinski i kulturni kontakti na prostoru Zapadne Afrike. Kroz izložbu, posetioci uče o prometu zlata od afričke obale Mediterana do Gvinejskog zaliva (u periodu od 10. do 19. veka), pustinjskim karavanima i evropskim flotama u pohodu ka akanskim zlatonosnim poljima, o običajima cenkanja do „poslednjeg zrna zlata“, boji plamena za tegove-skulpture u bronzi i drugim temama vezanim za istoriju i kulturu naroda Akan. Izuzetnost zbirke tegova Muzeja afričke umetnosti u Beogradu, sa više od 500 originalnih predmeta, kao i zbirka Slovenskog etnografskog muzeja sa više od 200 tegova koji su po prvi put biti predstavljeni javnosti, poslužili su kao polazište za obradu nekoliko temata: AFRIČKO ZLATO U STAROM SVETU transsaharska trgovina zlatom, od 10. do 16. veka ZLATNI PRAH KAO NOVAC I JEDINICE TEŽINE: proizvodnja i promet zlata u „zlatnim kraljevstvima“ Gane, od 15. do 19. veka; kulturni kontakti i razmena između afričkih, arapskih i evropskih civilizacija AMBLEMI TRADICIJE I DRUŠTVENIH VREDNOSTI motivi tegova kao ilustracije poslovica i izreka POUKE NA TEGOVIMA ZA MERENJE ZLATNOG PRAHA Kao i oblici, i značenja koja su tegovi-skulpture imali različita su: mnogi asociraju mudre pouke iz poslovica i narodnih priča, čuvaju sećanja na bitke, mitove i legende, ili predstavljaju određene simbole. Navodimo neke od akanskih poslovica: Lud je onaj ko puši i nosi bačvu sa barutom na glavi! Između ključa i brave, jedan je stariji - mora postojati vođa, čak i među jednakima. Ne treba ti veliki štap da slomiješ petlu vrat - kaže se za moćnog čoveka koji nepotrebno zlostavlja siromašnog i nezaštićenog. Snaga palmovog drveta je u njegovim granama - kraljeva moć leži u broju njegovih podanika. ---- ovaj teg nije bio na izlozbi u MAU ----- ---------------------------------------- Akan goldweights, (locally known as mrammou), are weights made of brass used as a measuring system by the Akan people of West Africa, particularly for wei and fair-trade arrangements with one another. The status of a man increased significantly if he owned a complete set of weights. Complete small sets of weights were gifts to newly wedded men. This insured that he would be able to enter the merchant trade respectably and successfully. Beyond their practical application, the weights are miniature representations of West African culture items such as adinkra symbols, plants, animals and people. Stylistic studies of goldweights can provide relative dates into the two broad early and late periods. The Early period is thought to have been from about 1400–1720 AD, with some overlap with the Late period, 1700-1900 AD. There is a distinct difference between the Early and Late periods. Geometric weights are the oldest forms, dating from 1400 AD onwards while figurative weights, those made in the image of people, animals, building etc., first appear around 1600 AD. Radiocarbon dating, a standard and accurate method in many disciplines, cannot be used to date the weights, as it is an inorganic material. The base components of inorganic materials, such as metals, formed long before the manufacturing of the artifact.The copper and zinc used to make the alloy are exponentially older than the artifact itself. Studies on the quality or origins of the base metals in brass are not very useful due to the broad distribution and recycling of the material. Studying the weight`s cultural background or provenance is an accurate method of dating the weights. Historical records accompanying the weight describing the people to whom it belonged to, as well as a comparative study of the weights and oral and artistic traditions of neighbouring communities should be part of studying the background and provenance of the weights. Scholars use the weights, and the oral traditions behind the weights, to understand aspects of Akan culture that otherwise may have been lost. The weights represent stories, riddles, and code of conducts that helped guide Akan peoples in the ways they live their lives. Central to Akan culture is the concern for equality and justice; it is rich in oral histories on this subject. Many weights symbolize significant and well-known stories. The weights were part of the Akan`s cultural reinforcement, expressing personal behaviour codes, beliefs, and values in a medium that was assembled by many people. Anthony Appiah describes[2] how his mother, who collected goldweights, was visited by Muslim Hausa traders from the north. The goldweights they brought were `sold by people who had no use for them any more, now that paper and coin had replaced gold-dust as currency. And as she collected them, she heard more and more of the folklore that went with them; the proverbs that every figurative gold-weight elicited; the folk-tales, Ananseasem, that the proverbs evoked.` Appiah also heard these Ananseasem, Anansi stories, from his father, and writes: `Between his stories and the cultural messages that came with the gold-weights, we gathered the sort of sense of a cultural tradition that comes from growing up in it. For us it was not Asante tradition but the webwork of our lives.` There are a number of parallels between Akan goldweights and the seals used in Harappa. Both artifacts stabilized and secured regional and local trade between peoples, while they took on further meaning beyond their practical uses. Shields are symbols of bravery, stamina, or a glorious deed, though not necessarily in battle. Double-edged swords symbolize a joint rule between female and male, rather than implying violence or rule with fear. The naming of the weights is incredibly complex, as a complete list of Akan weights had more than sixty values, and each set had a local name that varied regionally. There are, from studies done by Garrard, twelve weight-name lists from Ghana and the Ivory Coast. Some estimate that there are 3 million goldweights in existence. Simon Fraser University has a small collection, consisting mostly of geometric style weights, with a number of human figurative weights. Both types are pictured here and come from the SFU Museum of Archaeology and Ethnography. Many of the largest museums of in the US and Europe have sizable collections of goldweights. The National Museum of Ghana, the Musée des Civilisations de Côte d`Ivoire in Abidjan, Derby Museum and smaller museums in Mali all have collections of weights with a range of dates. Private collections have amassed a wide range of weights as well. In the past, each weight was meticulously carved, then cast using the ancient technique of lost wax. As the Akan culture moved away from using gold as the basis of their economy, the weights lost their cultural day-to-day use and some of their significance. Their popularity with tourists has created a market that the locals fill with mass-produced weights. These modern reproductions of the weights have become a tourist favorite. Rather than the simple but artistic facial features of the anthropomorphic weights or the clean, smooth lines of the geomorphic weights, modern weights are unrefined and mass-produced look. The strong oral tradition of the Akan is not included in the creation of the weights; however, this does not seem to lessen their popularity. The skill involved in casting weights was enormous; as most weights were less than 2½ ounces and their exact mass was meticulously measured. They were a standard of measure to be used in trade, and had to be accurate. The goldsmith, or adwumfo, would make adjustments if the casting weighed too much or too little. Even the most beautiful, figurative weights had limbs and horns removed, or edges filed down until it met the closest weight equivalent. Weights that were not heavy enough would have small lead rings or glass beads attached to bring up the weight to the desired standard. There are far more weights without modifications than not, speaking to the talent of the goldsmiths. Most weights were within 3% of their theoretical value; this variance is similar to those of European nest weights from the same time. Early weights display bold, but simple, artistic designs. Later weights developed into beautiful works of art with fine details. However, by the 1890s (Late Period) the quality of both design and material was very poor, and the abandonment of the weights quickly followed. Tim Garrard (April 28, 1943 – May 17, 2007) studied the Akan gold culture. His research was centered on goldweights and their cultural significances and purposes. He was also interested in the gold trade, the creation of the weight measurements, and how Akan trade networks operated with other networks. His works and those that use his work as a base are very informative about broader Akan culture. The weights pictured here are part of the collection at the SFU museum. Donated to the museum in the late 1970s, they are part of a wide collection of African cultural pieces.