Izdavač:Laguna,Beograd God.izdanja: 2008 Pismo: latinica Povez:mek Stanje:kao novo Stanje proverite na slikama! U svakom slučaju, pitajte preko poruka, tražite dodatne slike na mail, proverite dali vam odgovara stanje, i dajte ponudu.. Ko je hrabar, neka ga samo posmatra. :) Uštedite na poštarini i kupite što više knjiga! SRETNO! Kliknite na ovaj link ispod i pogledajte sve knjige što prodajem: http://www.kupindo.com/pretraga.php?Pretraga=knjiga&CeleReci=1&UNaslovu=0&Prodavac=palesztin&Grad=&CenaOd=&CenaDo=&submit=tra%C5%BEi ----- G1 -----

Tvrdi povez. Korice vrlo malo iskrzane .Ostalo odlično očuvano. Nema posvete podcrtavanja i pribeleški. Knjiga je iz kućne biblioteke , nema neprijatnih mirisa.

OCUVANA 4 LEPO OCUVANA laguna,,,mek povez,,,20 cm,,344,,,2011 b-4

OCUVANA 4,na par listova u dnu manji trag presavijanja,nista strasno B-3

A. B. Lorfels: ALEKSANDAR VELIKI : POSLEDNJI ČAROBNJAK ANTIKE Mek povez, 157strana, izdavač: METAFIZIKA - METAPHYSICA - Beograd STANJE ODLIČNO - KAO NOVA!!!

ஜ۩۞۩ஜ⭐ ஜ۩۞۩ஜ⭐ஜ۩۞۩ஜ⭐ ஜ۩۞۩ஜ⭐ ஜ۩۞۩ஜ⭐ Mek povez - 215 strana -manji format FILIP VIŠNJIĆ 2005 Korice sa vidljivim znacima korišćenja Unutrašnjost dobro očuvana - bez pisanja i podvlačenja B - D ஜ۩۞۩ஜ⭐ ஜ۩۞۩ஜ⭐ஜ۩۞۩ஜ⭐ ஜ۩۞۩ஜ⭐ ஜ۩۞۩ஜ⭐

Milena Pavlović Barili - Ana Mitić knjiga Ane Mitić o Mileni Pavlović Barili – tragična sudbina najtalentovanije srpske slikareke (Moralo je da prođe devet godina od njene smrti da bi se za Milenu Pavlović Barili u Srbiji čulo 1954, nakon teksta profesora Miodraga B. Protića, slikara i likovnog kritičara, dok su njene slike ovde prvi put viđene godinu dana nakon toga, na izložbi u Muzeju savremene umetnosti...) Mek povez, 63 strane

Vojkan Ristić : MADE IN VRANJE - DRAGOMIR DRAGAN TOMIĆ SIMPO TEHNOLOGIJA JEDNE KARIJERE , Vranje Press Print Vranje / Dobar naslov Beograd 2007, tvrdi povez, str. 338. Očuvanost 4. Knjiga govori o našoj skorijoj prošlosti, a njen glavni junak je Dragomir Tomić, aktuelni predsednik kompanije Simpo. Po rečima autora, knjiga nije napisana da bude sudija pojedincu, ali želi da ukaže na sve posledice jedne rđave vlasti koja je od kreativnog pojedinca napravila objekat i u potpunosti ugušila privatnu inicijativu i mogućnost stvaranja građanske javnosti. Knjiga je bila zabranjena pre nego što je i bila napisana. Tačno pre deset godina policija je upala u moju kuću u ptezi za onim što tada nije bilo napisano u ovakvom obliku u kakvom je danas. Pišući ovi knjigu, vodio sam se dramaturgijom činjenica, lišen namere da ovo bude moj lični obračun sa junakom knjige. Nikada ne bih pristao da između ovih korica umetnem tabloidski sadržaj. I zbog sebe,i zbog junaka ove knjige, ali i zbog građana Vranja koji sasvim sigurno poznaju dobre i loše strane fenomena vlasti koju je oličavao, a sigurno u mnogome i danas pokušava da kreira moj junak. Knjiga potvrđuje da nema večnih prijatelja i neprijatelja, već samo večnih interesa – rekao je Ristić. Knjiga je štampana u tiražu od 1500 primeraka. Posvećena je Zoranu Đinđiću, Ivanu Stamboliću i Slavku Ćuruvijii biće predstavljena na predstojećem sajmu knjiga u Beogradu. Izdavači su „Vranje pres print“ i „Dobar naslov“. Poseban čar knjizi daju 14 karikatura Predraga Koraksića Koraksa. Vojkan ristić diplomirao je žurnalistiku na fakultetu političkih nauka u Beogradu. Izveštavao je sa raznih ratišta širom bivše SFRJ, pisao je za Bobu, Dugu, Našu Borbu, Nin, Večernje novosti… Uspešno se oprobao i u radijskom i televizijskom novinarstvu (Studi B, Radio BBC, Dojče Wele, Radio Beograd, Treći kanal TV Beograd). Osnivač je nevladine Agencije Vranje Press. Od oktobra ove godine stalni je dopisnik lista Danas.

Gustav Krklec : NOVO NOĆNO IVERJE, Veselin Masleša Sarajevo 1966, tvrdi povez, str. 275. Književni eseji i kritike. Očuvanost 3; korica pohabana. Krklec, Gustav, hrvatski književnik (Udbinja kraj Karlovca, 23. VI. 1899 – Zagreb, 30. X. 1977). Djetinjstvo je proveo u Hrvatskome zagorju. Započeo je studij poljoprivrede u Beču 1918., nakon jednoga semestra vratio se u Zagreb, priključio se književnom krugu mladih ekspresionista te s A. B. Šimićem i N. Milićevićem pokrenuo časopis Juriš (1919). Kaneći studirati režiju, u Pragu je 1921. asistirao kod K. Čapeka, ali je ubrzo otišao u Beograd, gdje je ostao sve do rata. Nakon rata vratio se u Zagreb, bio urednik u nakladničkim kućama i časopisima, a zatim djelovao kao profesionalni pisac. Bio je predsjednik Matice hrvatske, predsjednik Društva književnika Hrvatske i Saveza književnika Jugoslavije. Od 1951. bio je redoviti član JAZU. Dobitnik je Nagrade »Vladimir Nazor« za životno djelo 1968. Pisati je započeo 1915. objavivši u Koprivama kajkavsku humoresku. Prvu pjesmu (Put kroz noć) objavio je 1918. u Književnome jugu. Okušao se i u drami (dramska rapsodija Grobnica, 1919) i prozi (Beskućnici: roman izgubljenog naraštaja, 1921), pisao članke, polemizirao, a objavljivao je i prepjeve lirike s njemačkoga, ruskoga, madžarskoga, engleskoga, slovenskog i slovačkog jezika. Prve su mu pjesme impresionističko-simbolističke, nastale pod dojmom lektire; nakratko je bio sljedbenik njemačkih ekspresionista (zbirke Lirika, 1919; Srebrna cesta, 1921; Nove pesme, 1923), nastavio je kao novosimbolist iz Wiesnerova kruga, da bi stekao glas tradicionalista i artista, majstora soneta. Početni egzaltirani i patetični ton zamijenila je smirenost i retoričnost, najčešći su motivi samoća, ljubav, žena, grad, smrt i Bog, a slikovnost mu čuva prepoznatljivi zavičajni, zagorski »štih«. Liriku od Izleta u nebo (1928) do Darova za Bezimenu (1942) prožimaju i naglašena socijalna osjećajnost i odmjerena refleksivnost, što je s jedne strane znak približavanja dominantnomu tipu socijalnog pjesništva, s druge iskustva i spoznaje o vlastitoj malenkosti i krhkosti (Ugašeno kandilo). Krklec je popularizirao epigram kao razmjerno zanemarenu formu u hrvatskoj književnosti, a feljtonima i kozerijama (pseudonim Martin Lipnjak) reagirao je na aktualnosti svojega doba pa se afirmirao i kao uspješan nastavljač matoševske feljtonističke tradicije (Lica i krajolici, 1954; Pisma Martina Lipnjaka iz provincije, 1956; Noćno iverje, 1960). Neki su njegovi feljtoni vrlo uspjela putopisna proza (Izlet u Hrvatsko zagorje, Zagorje u snijegu, Razgovor u Trakošćanu, Nema Zagreba bez Gornjeg grada, Zapis iz Senja i dr.). Ostala djela: Ljubav ptica (1926), San pod brezom (1940), Tamnica vremena (1944), Tri poeme (1949), Lirska petoljetka (1952), Telegrafske basne (1952), Žubor života (1955), Izabrani epigrami (1963), Novo noćno iverje (1966).

Istorijski arhiv, Pančevo Godina izdanja: 2010 Broj strana: 274 Pismo: ćirilica Povez: mek Format: 24x17 Stanje kao na slici. Odlično očuvana. Predstavljeni su život i rad Vladimira Jovanovića (1833–1922), začetnika srpskog liberalizma, novinara-urednika „Slobode” i „Srpske slobode”, saradnika „Zastave”, naučnika i profesora na Velikoj školi u Beogradu, člana Društva srpske slovesnosti i predsednika Srpskog učevnog društva. Jovanović je kao ministar finansija bio zaslužan za donošenje Zakona o srpskim narodnim novcima i Zakona o osnivanju Srpske narodne banke. Od 1890. bio je doživotni senator. Publikacija je podeljena na deset poglavlja, u okviru kojih je Tomandl, između ostalog, opisao stvaranje Liberalne stranke i Jovanovićevo angažovanje u Londonu na polju ostvarivanja nezavisnosti Srbije, zatim Jovanovićevu emigrantsku delatnost u Ženevi, njegovo hapšenje u vezi s ubistvom kneza Mihaila, te njegovu delatnost kao ministra finansija i predsednika Srpskog učenog društva. Autor je posebnu pažnju posvetio Jovanovićevom delu „Srpski narod i istočno pitanje”. Knjiga sadrži i osvrt na naučne i publicističke radove Vladimira Jovanovića, kao i na samu njegovu ličnost. „Nizu objavljenih radova Mihovila Tomandla nedostajao je dragulj koji se sada nalazi pred čitaocima. Biografija Vladimira Jovanovića četiri decenije nalazila se, kao rukopis, u Arhivu SANU u Beogradu. Sada, na stogodišnjicu Tomandlovog doseljavanja u Pančevo, njegov Istorijski arhiv predstavlja je kao knjigu koja će biti dragocen doprinos političkoj i kulturnoj istoriji Srbije 19. i početka 20. veka”, navela je u predgovoru ove knjige mr Ivana B. Spasović. Kada je pre punih devet godina istoričarka Ivana Spasović, preturajući po Arhivu SANU, tražeći materijal za magistarsku tezu o Vojnoj granici, naišla na rukopis Mihovila Tomandla „Vladimir Jovanović, prilog kulturno-političkoj istoriji Srbije”, istinski je bila iznenađena i obradovana. Znala je da stručnjaci pančevačkog Arhiva istrajno tragaju za neobjavljenim rukopisima poznatog istoričara, u nameri da ih objave. U ovom slučaju rad je bio zanimljiv i zbog činjenice da je reč o ocu Slobodana Jovanovića, koji je vazda bio, iako je njegov značaj u istoriji Srba značajan, u senci sina. Ivana Spasović koja je bila spremna da o svom otkriću obavesti direktora pančevačkog Arhiva, poseban podsticaj je dobila pošto je o Tomandlovom rukopisu zatražila mišljenje akademika Vasilija Krestića. Bio je, kaže, veoma povoljan. Godine 1988. akademik Krestić je za štampu priredio memoare Vladimira Jovanovića, koji su izašli pod nazivom „Uspomene”. Sticajem okolnosti, sada magistar Ivana Spasović, zaposlila se 2009. u pančevačkom Arhivu, zatraživši od akademika Krestića dozvolu da 332 strane rukopisa Mihovila Tomandla pančevački Arhiv izda kao knjigu. Kako je renome Arhiva u Pančevu kao izdavača već bio poznat i priznat, akademik se nije mnogo premišljao. Odobrenje je stiglo a ubrzo i kopija rukopisa. Predat je u štampu prošle godine, a pre dva meseca stigla je i knjiga. Milan Jakšić, direktor pančevačkog Arhiva, kaže da se mišljenje akademika Krestića još čeka, ali pretpostavlja se da zamerki neće biti. – Ovo je šesta knjiga Mihovila Tomandla, koga smatramo pančevačkim istoričarem. Namera nam je da objavimo sve neobjavljene rukopise ovog pravnika po obrazovanju, koji je bio istoričar od formata, pa je kao takav postao i vanredni član SANU. Već su u pripremi još dve knjige ovog plodnog istoričara – kaže Milan Jakšić. Knjiga donosi mnoge zanimljivosti iz života Vladimira Jovanovića, novinara i urednika „Slobode” i „Zastave”, člana Društva srpske slovesnosti i predsednika Srpskog učenog društva, predavača na Visokoj školi, u nekoliko mandata ministra finansija Srbije i doživotnog senatora. Magistar Ivana Spasović u predgovoru knjige o ocu Slobodana Jovanovića kaže da je spis tim dragoceniji što Tomandl, pišući o Jovanoviću, očigledno nije znao da u rukopisu postoje njegovi memoari, pa ih stoga nije mogao ni koristiti. Čovek kojeg Tomandl naziva „najvećim ekonomistom na slovenskom jugu”, rođen je 1833. godine u Šapcu. ,,Jovanovićeva politička delatnost bila je patriotska, nacionalno-liberalna sa revolucionarnim težnjama”, piše Mihovil Tomandl. Zahvaljujući tome, bio je kao buntovnik i propagator liberalizma uklonjen sa katedre Velike škole, a zatim je odležao sedam meseci u kazamatima Petrovaradina i Pešte, kao jedan od osumnjičenih za ubistvo knjaza Mihaila 1868. godine. U vrednom rukopisu, koji je zahvaljujući pančevačkom Arhivu stigao do čitalaca (svoja izdanja Arhiv deli besplatno) Tomandl piše: ,,Jovanović spada u onu valjanu generaciju koja je s punom snagom duha i sa najvećom požrtvovanošću radila na izgrađivanju moderne srpske države u drugoj polovini prošlog stoleća”. Vladimir Jovanović, čija je veličina ostala u senci sina Slobodana, umro je u Beogradu 1922. godine.

Dr NEVENKA PETRIĆ BIOBIBLIOGRAFIJA 1945 - 1995 , Radnička štampa / Jugoslovenski bibliografsko-informacijski institut / Udruženje zaq planiranje porodice Jugoslavije Beograd 1997, tvrdi povez, str. 372. Očuvanost 4. Nevenka Petrić (Maslovare, 11. mart 1927 — Beograd, 27. decembar 2015) Po završetku osnovne škole pošla je u srednju Žensku građansku školu u Banjaluci, ali s obzirom da je Drugi svetski rat u Jugoslaviji počeo 6. aprila 1941. godine, sve škole su prestale sa radom do oslobođenja 1945.[1] godine, pa je prekinuto i Nevenkino školovanje. Posle napada fašističke Nemačke na Jugoslaviju, njene slobodoljubive snage počele su dizati ustanak protiv okupatora, pa je tako i Nevenkina cela porodica odmah 1941. godine stupila u prve redove, a sa njima i Nevenka, koja je tada imala 14 godina. Narodnooslobodilačka borba 1941—1945. U Narodnooslobodilačkoj borbi Jugoslavije (1941—1945), protiv nemačke okupacije i njihovih sledbenika, Neveka Petrić bila je borac, a vrlo brzo postaje omladinski rukovodilac u četi, bataljonu, odredu, a nešto kasnije i na okrugu Banjaluke, a potom i celoj centralnoj Bosni. Radila je na osnivanju omladinske antifašističke organizacije, kako na slobodnoj, tako i na neoslobođenoj teritoriji i to i na terenu i u vojsci, pošto su, posle izvesnog vremena, pored dva postojeća odreda, banjalučkog i prnjavorskog, osnivani i novi na području centralne Bosne – vlašićki, travnički, uzlomački, dobojski, derventski, tešanjski i drugi, a znatno kasnije i srednjobosanske brigade: Četrnaesta, Osamnaesta i Devetnaesta. Nevenka Petric, 1945. godine Na prvoj okružnoj konferenciji antifašističke omladine za okrug Banjaluku, Nevenka je izabrana za prvog predsednika omladine (USAOJ-a - Ujedinjenog saveza antifašističke omladine Jugoslavije) za okrug Banja Luku, a nešto kasnije na Okružnoj konferenciji omladine cele centralne Bosne, održanoj u Tesliću, septembra 1944. godine, takođe je izabrana za predsednika omladine (USAOJ-a) za celu centralnu Bosnu. Tako je Nevenka Perić bila aktivno politički angažovana, kako među omladinom na terenu celog okruga centralne Bosne, tako i u svim vojnim odredima koju su tokom rata osnivani na području centralne Bosne: banjalučkom, uzlomačkom, motajničkom, prnjavorskom, vlašićkom, srbačkom, teslićko-tešanjskom i drugim, koji su tokom rata osnivani. Kako je u proleće 1944. godine, 2, 3. i 4. maja održan Drugi kongres USAOJ-a u Drvaru, Nevenka Petrić je bila veoma angažovana u pripremama i predvodila je delegate antifašističke omladine toga kraja koji su bili izabrani za ovaj kongres. Posle oslobođenja Odmah po oslobođenju u proleće 1945. godine, Neveka Perić je raspoređena na rad u oslobođenoj Banjaluci, 22.04.1945. godine i postavljenja je za prvog predsednika omladine grada Banjaluke, u kome je uskoro izabrana za predsednika Okružnog odbora USAOJ-a za okrug Banjaluku. U 1949. postavljena je za organizacionog sekretara, a od 1950. godine izabrana je za predsednika Oblasnog komiteta Narodne omladine za Bosansku krajinu. Sa te dužnosti upućena je u Višu političku školu u Beograd (1951—1953), koju je završila sa odličnim uspehom (10). 1954.godine vraća se u Banjaluku i postavljena je za načelnika za zdravlje i socijalnu politiku u Skupštini grada Banjaluke. 1956. godine prelazi na rad u Beograd gde je postavljena za načelnika za zdravlje i socijalnu politiku u centralnoj beogradskoj opštini – Stari Grad u Beogradu. Zatim je izabrana na Skupštini predstavnika žena svih republika i pokrajina Jugoslavije, održanoj u Zagrebu, 2, 3 i 4 maja 1961. godine, za sekretara Konferencije za društvenu aktivnost žena Jugoslavije. Na toj funkciji je bila dva mandata od po četiri godine i intezivno se bavila i poslovima na međunarodnom planu. U ovom periodu radila je i na poslovima u oblasti nauke i obrazovanja, takođe na nivou Federacije. U 1967. godini izabrana je za potpredsednika Saveta za planiranje porodice Jugoslavije, a naredne godine za predsednika, sa mandatom od četiri godine. Na istu dužnost je ponovo izabrana za još jedan četverogodišnji predsednički mandat. U svojstvu predsednika Saveta za planiranje porodice Jugoslavije, obavljala je izborne funkcije i na evropskom i na internacionalnom nivou u oblasti obrazovanja u domenu planiranja porodice. Bila je predstavnik Jugoslavije u toj međunarodnoj organizaciji u Londonu. U tom svojstvu izabrana je za predsednika Evropskog komiteta za obrazovanje Međunarodne federacije za planiranje porodice i za člana odgovarajućeg komiteta na internacionalnom nivou u svojstvu predstavnika Evrope. Takođe je bila član Centralnog Savjeta Međunarodne federacije za planiranje porodice (IPPF – International Planed Parenthood Federation), u svojstvu predstavnika Evrope. Bila je 10 godina direktor međunarodnog kursa UN na temu „Humanization of Relations Beatween Sexes and Responsible Parenthood“ („Humani odnosi među polovima i odgovorno roditeljstvo“), osnovanom pri Rektoratu Univerziteta u Sarajevu, od 1982 – 1992. godine. Učesnici na ovim kursevima bili su iz zemalja u razvoju sa svih kontinenata, a birali su ih i slali na kurseve odgovarajuće ustanove vlada određenih zemalja. Nevenka Petrić bila je i ekspert Ujedninjenih nacija – Fonda UN za populaciona pitanja, u periodu od 1982 – 1992. godine. U tom svojstvu povremeno je bila uključena u realizaciju pojedinih naučno-istraživaćkih projekata u Indiji, Indoneziji, Grčkoj, Rumuniji... Bibliografija Objavila je trinaest knjiga, od toga i jednu trilogiju „I zvijezde smo dosezali“ (1, 2. i 3.), a izdata je biobibliografija objavljenih radova Nevenke Petrić tokom pedeset godina: „Nevenka Petrić: Bibliografija 1945—1995.“ (sa ukupno 893 objavljena rada u navedenom periodu), zatim 1997. godine štampana je knjiga „Sto pedeset godina moje porodice 1855—2005.“, koju je izdao NIP „Radnička štampa“, Beograd, 2006. godine (479 str.). Među objavljenim knjigama je i doktorska disertacija - Dr Nevenka Petrić: „Čovjekove slobode, rađanje, samoupravljanje“ – sa akcentom na ustavnom ljudskom pravu na planiranje porodice u Jugoslaviji, 1987. god. (tiraž 1.500 primeraka). Među objavljenim knjigama su i tri na engleskom jeziku: a) Nevenka Petrić: „The Human Right to Free Choice on Childbirth in the Social Federal Republic of Yugoslavia“, tiraž 500, (1945) - knjiga je prvo objavljena na engleskom jeziku i bila jedan od osnovnih materijala za državnu delegaciju, a zatim i na srpskom: „Pravo čoveka da slobodno odlučuje o rađanju u Socijaliskičkoj Federativnoj Jugoslaviji“ objavljena je u istom tiražu. Ova knjiga poslužila je i kao osnovni materijal za pripreme delegacije Socijalističke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije (SFRJ) za Svetski kongres žena, održan u okviru delovanja Ujedinjenih nacija. Nevenka Petrić bila je član te delegacije na Svetskom kongresu žena, održanom u Meksiku 1975. godine. b) Nevenka Petrić: „The Integration of the contens on humanization of relations between the sexes and responsible parenthood into curricula of pedagogic and psychological disciplines for traning of pedagogues, psychologists and teachers“, 1980. tiraž 500. c) Nevenka Petrić: „Children in Yugoslav Socialist Self-Management Society“, 1980, tiraž 500. Objavljena je 21 knjiga u kojima je Nevenka Petrić koautor (12 na srpskom, 1 na makedonskom i 8 na engleskom) i brojne studije i članci na srpskom i stranim jezicima. Diplomirala je na Filozofskom fakultetu Univerziteta u Beogradu, 1963. godine, kao vanredni student. Dr. Nevenka Petrić na jednom od mnogobrojnih stručih izlaganja vezanih za planiranje porodice i vaspitanje mladih Doktorirala je na Filozofskom fakultetu Univerziteta u Sarajevu na temu, „Čovjekove slobode, rađanje, samoupravljanje“. Knjiga na navedenu temu objavljena je u Sarajevu, „Svijetlost“, 1981. godine, 474 str, tiraž 1500. Nevenka Petrić je autor i četiri zbirke pesama: „Tražih tračak sunca pogledom“, Beograd, 1993, 57 strana, autorsko izdanje; „Zapis na vetru“, Beograd, 1994, 65 strana, autorsko izdanje; „Prolećni akordi“, Beograd, 1994, 79 strana, autorsko izdanje; „Kap rose na cvetku“, Beograd, 1996, 224 strana, izdavač DIK Književne novine – ENCIKLOPEDIJA, Beograd, Kneza Miloša broj 82, tel 011/658-441. U društvenom angažovanju Nevenka Petrić je: Član Udruženja pisaca Srbije i potpredsednik Saveza književnika Jugoslavije; Kao učesnik Narodnooslobodilačkog rata Jugoslavije, od 1941. do 1945. godine, nosilac je „Spomenice 1941“ i drugih odlikovanja i društvenih priznanja; Član je Komisije za međunarodnu saradnju Republičkog odbora SUBNOR-a Saveza udruženja boraca Narodnooslobodilačkog rata 1941-1945 Srbije; Svetska federacija boraca, Pariz, imenovala je Nevenku Petrić za člana svoje Komisije za međunarodnu saradnju; Republički odbor SUBNOR-a Srbije delegirao je Nevenku Petrić za svog predstavnika u Svetskoj federaciji boraca.

Dostoevsky (2) - Henri Troyat Troyat, H. (1985). Dostoevsky (2). Barcelona, Spain. Salvat Publishers. DOSTOYEVSKY (Volume Two) SALVAT LIBRARY OF GREAT BIOGRAPHIES DOSTOEVSKY (Volume Two) HENRITROYAT SALVAT Version of the original French work: Dostoevsky. published by Artheme Fayard, Paris. Translated from French by Irene Andresco, provided by Ediciones Destino. The illustrations whose source is not indicated come from the Salva! Archive. © Salvo! Editores, S.A.. Barcelona. 1985. © Artheme Fayard, Paris. © Ediciones Destino, Barcelona. ISBN: 84-345-8145-0 (complete work). ISBN: 84-345-8175-2. Legal deposit: NA-131-1985 (2) Published by Salvat Editores, S.A., Mallorca 41-49 - Barcelona. Printed by Gráficas Estella. Estella (Navarra), 1985. Printed in Spain Index Page THIRD PART 9. The Return 193 10. The disappointing Europe 204 11. Memories of the subsoil 219 12. Crime and punishment 230 13. Anna Grigorievna 240 14. The passion for the game 248 15. The Idiot 265 16. The Possessed 275 FOURTH PART 17. The teenager 305 18. Diary of a writer 318 19. The Brothers Karamazov 328 20. The celebrations in honor of Pushkin 337 21. The end 346 22. Post mortem 353 Chronology 367 Testimonials 371 Bibliography 373 Part Three 9. The return A New World welcomes Dostoevsky on his arrival in St. Petersburg. The Russia of Alexander 11 has very little to do with the Russia of Nicholas l. The emperor has declared to the representatives of the Muscovite nobility that it is better to approach from above the suppression of the service, than to wait for it to begin to dissolve itself from aba- jo. In 1860, the manumission of the serfs is only a matter of months. A Central Committee, under the presidency of the sovereign, studies the modalities of a liberation without ransom premiums to the lords, and with the possibility for the peasants to acquire in absolute ownership the bonds they have cultivated. Other major liberal reforms are also being studied. The press is once again relatively independent. Censorship is relaxed. Corporal punishment is reproached. There is talk of giving a totally public character to the sessions of the courts. These hasty reforms, after centuries of social immobility, inflamed public opinion. The nobility, stripped of their privileges, was clearly hostile to government initiatives. But the progressive media supported only that the courageous work of Alexander 11. This unexpected realization of their own program only satisfied them half-heartedly. The dropper policy stoked his im- patience. Having awakened the thirst for humanitarian progress, the empress could not quench it without renouncing his own prerogatives. Every month, the demands of the radicals exceeded the intentions of the central power. Since they touched the old building of the tsars, it was so possible to destroy it at once. Everyone believed themselves called to discuss and resolve matters of domestic policy. And everyone needed quick and reliable reports. There was no time to think anymore. They swallowed the news of the day `raw`. They caught up in the same way that a hungry man is satiated... In this heated climate, the press played a prominent role. It was no longer just a means of distraction, but of information. Progressive periodicals - The Contemporary, The Russian Word and, in Lon- dres, Herzen`s leaf, The Bell - denounced the abuses of the same regime and called for a comprehensive political change. That is why, far from apa- it supposes a series of reforms, not copied from those of Occi- dente but taken from the old Russian historical background. The Slavic people possess an ingrained originality that is of careful interest to serve. Reactionary Slavophiles are more Muscovite than Russians. Progressive liberals are more European than Russian. Between these two extreme positions, an intermediate one is the only good one. And Dostoevsky wants to place himself in it. However, they do not understand him, they do not want to understand him. For the students, Dostoevsky is the former prisoner, the martyr of the li- bertad. Later, when he is asked to read in literary evenings some passages of Memories of the House of the Dead, it is not the writer who will be applauded, but the supporter. The fame they create is based on a misunderstanding. Dostoevsky is not his own. And he suffers because he is loved for ideas he has never had, for an ideal he has never defended. To Strajov he will go so far as to say how much he was disgusted to read aloud certain passages from Memories of the House of the Dead: `...As if I were always complaining to the public! As if I always complained!... That`s not right!...!` This false situation is unbearable. It was imperative to leave things at their point. Dostoevsky and his brother Mikhail decided to found a newspaper. Actually, the idea of the newspaper dates back to 1858, and its program of action was approved by censorship on October 31 of that year. But it was only in 1860-61 that, under the thrust of imperative moral necessities, the Dostoevsky brothers reconsidered their project and realized it. The newspaper, or rather the monthly magazine, is titled Vremia (The Time). The principal conductor is Mikhail Dostoevsky; it is responsible for all administrative and economic matters. Fyodor Dostoevsky is in charge of the artistic, literary and political direction of the new organ. It is he who drafts the manifesto of presentation, which is a clear defense of Russian libe- ralism: `We have finally understood that we too are a well-determined nation, original to the highest degree, and that our duty is to create for ourselves a new way of life, our special way of life, our own way of life, taken from our soil, from our soul and from our popular traditions.` -194- And in issue 1 of the magazine, which appeared in January 1861, the re- dactor specifies that the magazine cannot be assimilated either with those of the oc- cidentales or with those of the Slavophiles: `The public has understood that with the Westerners we insisted on putting on a disguise that did not go and that we were torn everywhere; and that with the Slavophiles we conceived the poetic dream of resurrecting Russia following the ideal conception of past customs...` Thanks to this courageous clarification, El Tiempo is exactly placed between two fires. Slavophiles and Westerners agree to attack it. However, readers flow and the circulation is increased, following a respectable pace. Dostoevsky obtained the collaboration of Turgenev, Ostrovsky, Nekrasov, the critic Apollon Grigoriev and the young philosopher Strajov. To attract the public, Fyodor Mikhailovich does not hesitate to publish The Crimes of Lacenaire and passages from the Memoirs of Casa- nova. Dostoevsky does considerable work. He writes fantastic stories, critical articles, commissions folletines, corrects them, composes his page eagerly... He works almost exclusively at night. Around eleven o`clock, in the silence of the house, he settles before an samovar, opens his icy sheets of paper and starts writing, drinking cold tea as concentrated as licorice juice. At five o`clock he goes to bed and sleeps until two o`clock in the afternoon. But this regime is above its strength. Three months after the publication of the first issue of El Tiempo, he falls ill. Of course it is replenished soon. But his epileptic seizures are becoming more frequent. One or two per week. Dostoevsky senses the proximity of the attacks. All their doubts, all their desires are reabsorbed into an impression of a higher alliance. It is tranquil, free from any worries, prepared for the brilliant joys of the afterlife. `But these radiant moments,` he writes in The Idiot, `were only the prelude to the second ending, the one to which the attack happened immediately. This second phase was undoubtedly indescribable... What does it matter that it is a disease if in that minute I have a feeling, unheard of and unsuspected until then, of fullness, mediation, appeasement and fusion with the beginning of a prayer, with the highest synthesis of life...` `For a few moments,` Fio said, `Mikhailovich told his friends, `I know a happiness that is impossible to conceive in a normal state, and that others do not even imagine. I experience a complete harmony between the world and me, and this feeling is so strong, so soft, that for a few minutes of this joy ten years, and perhaps even a lifetime, could be given.` When Fiador Mikhailovich reached the extreme of this mystical ecstasy, the spasm shook him, he fell to the ground howling and drooling. Strajov, who had attended an attack by Dostoevsky, describes it to us thus: `He stopped for a moment, as if looking for a word to express a pen- samiento. His mouth was open. I looked at him very carefully: I was sure that he would utter extraordinary words. Suddenly, a strange, prolonged, absurd sound came out of his half-open lips and fell unconsciously in the middle of the room.` -195- Sometimes he would get hurt when he fell. His face was marked with crowned plates. When he came to his senses, his muscles were tired from the cramps and his head was empty. He had the impression, according to his own account, that he was guilty of some terrible crime and that nothing in the world could redeem him from his guilt. Was it the death of his father, or that of the drunkard Isaiev, that tortured him like this? This thirst for punishment has dominated Dostoevsky`s entire intimate life. After his attacks, it was not uncommon for Fyodor Mikhailovich to lose his memory for a few days. He was in a bad mood. He wrote with difficulty. In his notebook, during the years 1862-63, the following indications of a dreadful laconism are found: «Epileptic seizures: »April 1 - violent, »August 1 - weak, »November 7 - medium, »January 7 - violent, »March 2 - medium.» In these deplorable conditions Dostoevsky wrote his first great novel after the prison, Humiliated and Offended, and finished the Memories of the House of the Dead. The publication of Humiliated and Offended began in January 1861, in the first issue of El Tiempo. This book is a curious mix of novelistic artifices in the style of Eugene Sue and personal observations. It is a disguised confession and, at the same time, a social follie novel. Ivan Pietrovich (Vania) is in love with Natacha Ijmieniev. She loves Aliocha, the son of Prince Valkorski, but a displeasureThe procedure separates the two families. It doesn`t matter: Natacha decides to donate her father`s home and `live her life` with the young and fickle Aliocha. So far, the novel is developed according to the lamentable style of the sentimental novels for fashion newspapers. But it is enough for Dostoevsky to touch on a theme so that it becomes attractive to us, suddenly, like a confession that is torn from him. Vania, natacha`s wretched lover, is a young writer whose first book has a great outlet. And this first book resembles, to the point of confusing us, Poor People. `I staged a modest official, a wretched, even a little foolish...`, vania declares in Humiliated and Offended. (Isn`t this Makar Dievuchkin`s portrait of Poor People?) `Why has this young man died of tuberculosis?` asks little Nelly. (Isn`t it the student Pokrovski, from Poor People?) Finally, Vania`s manuscript falls into the hands of `critic B.`, who has `enjoyed it like a child`, just as Bie-linski once enjoyed with the reading of Poor People. The resemblance between Vania and Dosto-yevsky is noticeable from the first pages of the book. But there`s more. Vania, upon learning of Natacha`s passion for Alio-cha, helps her beloved flee with the young prince and is in charge of protecting their union. She will bring news of Natacha to her parents. It will help -196- Mikhail Mikhailovich Dostoevsky. to the young couple in all difficult circumstances. He will be a benevolent guardian angel. This benevolence of the suitor defeated by his rival is uniquely reminiscent of the attitude of Fiador Mikhailovich towards Maria Dimitrievna and master Viergunov. `I confess that all these gentlemen, who take their greatness of soul to the extreme of embracing their girlfriend`s lover and being her recadero, I do not like at all. Either they have not loved, or they have only loved with the ca- beza, and only writers more familiar with cerebral love than with the heart have been able to invent them...` This is the opinion of the sharp critic Dobroliubov on Vania`s complacency. This episode seems to him a purely literary invention of the author; however, Dos-toyevsky has never been more sincere than transcribing it. `Üs I`ll fix everything, everything, appointments and everything... I will transmit your letters to you. Why wouldn`t I?` exclaims Vania. Natacha replies: `I have betrayed you and you have forgiven me and you only think about my happiness... I would have been happy with you, my friend... I love Aliocha with a foolish love, but I think I love you even more as a friend. I would not know how to live without you, you are necessary to me, and I also need your heart of gold!....` It seems that elms Maria Dimitrievna thanking Dostoevsky for his self-denial and begging him not to abandon her, but refusing at the same time to leave Viergunov, lamenting, sobbing like a hysterical in some furnished room of Kuznietsz. -197 - Be that as it may, this book points to an undoubted setback in Dostoevsky`s work. The novel vacillates between two poorly welded intrigues: Natacha`s and Nelly`s. Situations are forced. The characters don`t live. Vania, who tells the story of Humiliated and Offended, has the unstable, comfortable and blurred character of the `typical narrator`. Na-tacha is a Dostoevsky-style lover -first epoch-. He loves Aliocha, who only loves her half-heartedly, but also loves Vania, and suffers because it makes her suffer, being at the same time unable to give up the secret pleasure of making her suf.rir, etc. She is the spiritual sister of the Va- rienka of Poor People and the Nastienk of the village of Stepanchiko- vo, all of them intelligent, sensitive and completely colorless girls. Aliocha`s father - Prince Valkorski - is a traitor of me-lodrama taken to the extreme to the absurd. Aliocha, on the other hand, reveals itself more interesting. This character of ato- londrado, always at fault and always forgiven, irritates and retains the attention of the reader. Aliocha is a kind of unconscious and well-educated scoundrel. He recognizes his mistakes and regrets it, but that repentance does not cure him. He is indecisive. It`s lightweight. It completely lacks weight: `What do you want? He tells Natacha talking about another girl. When I am with you I have the desire to talk about her, and with her, to talk about you...` And his grief is so burning, so sympathetic, that you can`t hold a grudge against him for his rudeness. Did Dostoevsky want to paint under the features of Alyocha Valkors-ki to the master Viergunov, his soft and weeping rival of Kuznietz? Maybe. But the effigy of the seducer is treated here with a strange sympathy. As if Dostoevsky had already forgiven him! High above all these figures should be placed the enchanting silhouette of Nelly. It is the heart, the succulent almond of the book. But, to tell the truth, the adventure of this tuberculous girl that Va- nia welcomes into her home, and who turns out to be the natural daughter of Prince Valkors-ki, smells too much like a sentimental novel, one of those that continue in the next issue. But the very character of little Nelly is a masterpiece of delicacy and purity. Nelly is an orphan educated by screaming and slapping by an unbearable harpy. However, she is grateful to this woman who tortures her because she adopted her and had her at home. Nelly would like to pay him the favor that the other has done him. He would always like to pay, to pay with his person, with his back, with his love. When Vania tears her from the hands of old Bubnov and takes her home, cares for her and comforts her, Nelly feels true adoration for him. But, with stubborn pride, it is forbidden to confess his love to him. She is proud, wild, elusive like a gazelle. Her misfortunes have made her excessively brave: `What stubbornness of this devil! -exclaims the Bubnov-. To be beaten or left alone, will never open her mouth; as if I had it full of water.` And Nelly herself says, `They will quarrel with me and I will shut up on purpose; they will beat me and I will keep quiet. For nothing I will cry; and they will be even more enraged because I don`t cry!` It hates Natacha, just because Vania -198- actively deals with the intruder. However, when her `savior` tells her the misfortunes of the unfortunate young woman, Nelly, the tubercu- losa girl, she will set to work to give a feeling of happiness to which she has `suffered a lot`. Then, once her work is accomplished, she will die, exhausted, scorched by her love. The criticism was harsh for humiliated and offended. `Mr. Dostoevsky will not be bothered if I declare that his nove- la is, in a way, `below art criticism,`` Dobroliubov wrote. `The implausible can never produce an artistic effect,` Kucheliev-Bezborodko wrote. All this goes beyond the limits of the artificial... The greatest flaw of this novel is that the author has not described, painted or illuminated a single living figure, a single really true type...` `The most serious thing,` Zarin said, `is that nothing is found in this novel.and on which to rely. It feels like someone is groaning about something. But who? And why?...` Apolon Grigoriev, a critic for El Tiempo, says that the characters in Humiliated and Offended are `mannequins` and `walking books.` Dostoevsky replied to this censorship: `Since we needed a novel for the new magazine, whose success was inestimable to me, I proposed a work in four parts. I assured my brother that I had long had a plan in place, which was false... I recognize perfectly well that, in my novel, it is mannequins that act and not living beings; traveling books, and not characters animated by art. (For this I needed time to mature my ideas in my spirit and in my heart.) This has resulted in a `barbaric` work which, however, contains some fifty pages of which I am proud.` For the rest, the fulminating success of the Memories of the House of the Dead soon rescues the failure of Humiliated and Offended. The critics unanimously recognize this time the immense gifts of the writer. `It has been a long time since we had found in our literature a work as exciting to the reader as the Memories of the House of the Dead,` Milyukov writes. Dostoevsky is compared to Dante. The description of the baths is praised, where they are agitated, in a nauseating steam, naked deformed, full of scars. The episode of the show is cited in which the chained inmates represent a comedy before their companions, with shaved heads. And also the scenes of the hospital, of the flogging, of the departure... An official of the Censorship Committee initially believed that he should demand modifications to the text: `Will not unintelligent readers interpret the highly humanitarian action of the government in prison cases as a weakening of the punishment intended for very serious crimes?` writes this unknown bureaucrat. Dostoevsky had already prepared an insert to explain that the inmates were disgusted by rye bread - of deserved fame in the country - for the lack - 199 - of freedom. But on November 12, 1860, the Central Directorate of Censorship, ignoring the considerations of the Committee, authorized the publication of the Memories of the House of the Dead, `on the sole condition that certain decent expressions be suppressed.` The publication of Humiliated and Offended and the Memories of the House of the Dead in El Tiempo conquered new readers for the magazine. In 1861, the number of subscribers rose to 4,302. Mikhail had liquidated his cigarette business to devote himself to the magazine. The collaborators took from him and Fyodor Mikhailovich the general guidelines of their articles. A courage, a laudable faith, animated this group of young writers and critics. They worked for Russia. They worked for the world. However, around them the political events were precipitated. On February 19, the edict of Alexander 11 definitively freed the serfs of the empire. But the reform had taken a long time. Too much had been said about it so that it could already satisfy public opinion. And as Chelgunov says, `when there was only 200 left, Alexander JI`s social reform resulted in the emergence of the kulaks, or rich peasants. However, these were a minority, and social discontent continued. drafting the statutes of February 19, the company could think and in something else.` The radicals were impatient to act. Herzen, the exiled re-volutionary, writes in his London newspaper, La Cam- pana: `When the generals and officials began to apply the new law to the people, they realized that freedom was only given to them in words, but not in fact... A new state of servitude has been defined for the people` (July 1, 1861). · And, on November 1 of the same year, he wrote: `Listen: from every corner of our immense homeland, from the Don to the Ural, from the Volga to the Dnieper, the groan increases, the sublevation is prepared. It is the first roar of the wave that begins to boil and that will bring many storms after a depressing calm...` Herzen`s newspaper is banned by the government, but it penetrates clandestinely and circulates from hand to hand. The youth of the universities is in full effervescence. He wants a new order. Which one? She herself doesn`t know exactly. But this is of no importance. - 201 - In November 1861 the so-called `students` affair` breaks out. Liberal ideas had risen to the plate for college students. They read revolutionary sheets, held rallies, organized libraries of forbidden works, created social relief boxes, and edited liberal compilations. They even ended up serving a secret court to try their fellow men. This small `co- cina` outside of official politics distracted them from their studies. The an- fiteatros were places of discussion and not of teaching. Nothing is learned anymore. They no longer had anything to learn. The university authority requested from the emperor a decree prohibiting meetings and commissions. The students raised a strong protest against this measure. The police had to intervene to silence the street groups of rioters. They were detained and released two or three times a day. They were killed for locking the leaders in the peter and paul fortress. They loved this sudden celebrity. Naturally, the whole city only spoke of its value and a large crowd crowded into the prison at the times set to visit the detainees. Mi- jail Dostoyevsky sent the young people, on behalf of the magazine El Tiempo, a large roast beef, a jar of cognac and a bottle of wine. When those condemned to exile left the city, an escort of admirers accompanied them beyond the suburbs. Later, they closed the University `for reform`. But the teachers obtained permission to read his lectures in the duma. The students were in charge of organizing the courses and maintaining order. However, this new municipal Universi- dad was also banned, the day after the literary and musical evening of March 2, 1862. On that evening, Professor Pav-lov read an article that, like the rest of the program, had been de-cleared with a tone that completely transformed the meaning. When he came to the phrase: `Since he took power, the emperor, who so happily now reigns over us, found the cup full...`, he was not allowed to explain that Alexander 11 had thrown out of the cup `the few drops of bitterness due to the persistence of servitude`. An enthusiastic ovation cut him off. The next day it became known that the professor had been expelled from St. Petersburg. His colleagues stood in solidarity with him and suspended classes. To end the incident, the government banned public courses. Dostoevsky, who had taken part as a speaker at the March 2 session, will remember him describing the public reading in The Possessed: `The clamor of the public did not allow the last words to be heard... They howled, they applauded. Some ladies even shouted: `Enough! Stop it! It is better not to say it`` (The Possessed: The Party). Despite the closure of the municipal university, the agitated revolutionaries continued their work tirelessly. Secret societies swarm. Chernichevski and Utin – collaborators of The Temporary Con – found, together with artillery colonel Lavror, the group Land and Freedom, `to fight against the imperial government, which is the -202 - worst enemy of the people`. Revolutionary proclamations are introduced under the doors of private homes and say: `Long live the Russian social and democratic republic!` And also: `We will only have one cry: `To the axes!` And, then, I kill the members of the imperial party, without pitying them any more than they do now; beat them in public squares, if these scoundrels have the audacity to be seen in them; beat them in their homes, beat them in the narrow alleys of small towns; beat them on the wide streets of big cities; beat them in the towns and villages.` And even more: `One hundred thousand people in Russia oppose the public good; let us flood the streets of the cities with blood and let us not leave a stone standing.` Dostoevsky finds, hooked on the doorknob of his door, one of these appeals `to the young Russia`. This saddens him. `And I, who for a long time had been at internal and affective disagreement with these people and with the spirit of their movement,` Dostoevsky cribe in a Writer`s Diary, suddenly felt sorry and almost ashamed of their clumsiness... This fact was an overwhelming proof: the appalling decline in the level of education and intelligence demonstrated by those proclamations.` Dostoevsky goes to the home of Chernichevsky, a collaborator of The Contemporary and a member of the Earth and Freedom circle, to beg him to bring the authors of the manifesto to their senses. `Perhaps this will not have an effect,` he replies, softly. And besides, these phenomena are inevitable as accessory events.` On May 16, mysterious fires broke out in St. Petersburg. Entire neighborhoods burn for two weeks, despite the efforts of police and firefighters. `I remember,` Strajov writes, `that Fyodor Mikhailovich and I had gone for a walk outside the city to distract ourselves. From the bridge of the ship could be seen in the distance clouds of smoke that rose in three or four points of the city. We disembarked, and ended up in a garden where an orchestra played and the zingaros sang.` The government could not discover the culprits, but suspicions fell on the nihilists of Tierra y Libertad. For this reason, the newspaper El Contemporáneo was suspended for eight days. Soon after, the revolutionary Cher-nichevsky was closed in the Peter and Paul fortress. As for Dostoevsky, exhausted by political events and exhausted by his work as editor-in-chief, he decided to take a trip abroad. Doctors had long advised him to go `to Europe>> to rest for a few months. The trip cost too much- do so that Maria Dimitrievna could accompany her husband. In addition, she did not want to leave her son Pavel, who was preparing an exam to enter the Institute, in St. Petersburg. Dostoevsky scored alone on June 7, 1862. -203- 1st. The disappointing Europa Dostoevsky arrives in Paris around mid-June, but she doesn`t know anyone in the capital, nor does anyone know him. It is not related to Victor Hugo, who published at that time 1-os miserables; neither with Flaubert, who publishes Salambd, nor with Théophile Gautier, who has just published Captain Fracasse; not with Renan, not with Saint-Beuve, not with Taine. He locks himself in a wild solitude. He misses Russia. And their nostalgia soon turns into a bad mood. `Paris is a terribly sad city,` he writes to Strajov. If there had not been such a large number of admirable monuments here, I would have died of boredom...` He was only in France for ten days; however, he already knew that `the Frenchman is calm, honest, courteous, but false and only loves money.` He quickly fled from France to England. In London, Fiador Mi-jailovich meets again the nihilistic Herzen and, although his political opinions are completely opposite, they come to understand each other. `Dostoyevs-ki was in my house yesterday,` Herzen writes to Ogariev. He is a naïve being, a little confused, but very nice. He has an en- tusiast confidence in the Russian people.` As for Dostoevsky, he is `quite tender` towards Her-zen during his visit, but, some years later, he will reproach him for betraying Russia: `Herzen has not emigrated. He was born an emigrant,` he says in a Writer`s Diary. Those who have separated from the village have naturally lost their god. It falls from its weight that Herzen was a socialist, carried only by the logic of ideas and the absence of any feeling towards the homeland... He disowned the family and was, it seems, a good father and a good husband. He reneged on the property, but in the meantime he knew how to take the ... DOSTOEVSKYSALVAT L. 3. O. 1. POL. 1